^'3-5 


SettioQ  Sec. 


Rl^G^HTTS   OF  MAN: 


BEING       A 


ANSWER 


:;/y^^f^?^i  ^^ 


Mr.  BURKE'S   AT 


ON       THE 


FRENCH  REVOL 


By     THOMAS      PAINE, 

SECRETARY    FOR    FOREIGN   AFFAIRS  TO  CONGRESS  IN  THE 

AMERICAN    WAR,     AND    AUTHOR    OF    THE    WORK 

ENTITLED 

COMMON      SENSE, 


'^rom  Second  Philadelphia   Edition,    and   Fourth  London  Editions 
CorreBtd  and  Enlarged. 


CARLISLE: 
He-printed  by    GEORGE    KLINE, 

M,DrC,XCT, 


T    O 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE   UNITED  STATES   of  AMERICA. 

SIR, 

I  Prefent  you  a  fmall  Treatife  in  defence  of  thofe 
Principles  of  Freedom  which  your  exemplary  Virtue 
hath  fo  eminently  contributed  to  eftablifli.  That  the 
Rights  of  Man  may  become  as  univerfal  as  your  Be* 
nevolence  can  wifh,  and  that  you  may  enjoy  tht 
Happinefs  of  feeing  the  New  World  regenerate  the 
Old,  is  the  Prayer  of 
Sir, 

Your  much  obliged,  and 
Obedient  humble  Scrvlant. 
THOMAS     PAINE. 


P  R  E  F  A  C  E  to  the  laft  Englifti  Edition. 


FROM  ths  part  Mr.  Burke  toak  in  the  American  Revolution^  it 
was  natural  that  I  Jliould  confider  him  a  friend  to  mankind  ;  and 
as  our  acquaintance  convntnced  on  that  ground,  it  would  have  been 
more  agreeable  to  me  to  have  had  caufe  to  continue  in  that  opinion^  than 
to  change  it. 

At  the  time  Mr.  Burke  made  his  violent  fpeech  laji  winter  in  the 
EfigliJJi  Parliament  a^ainft  the  French  Revolution  and  the  National 
AJJcmbly,  I  was  in  Paris,  ai\d  had  written  him,  but  a  Jhort  time  be* 
fore,  to  inform  hir,i  how  profperotfly  ^natters  were  going  an.  Soon 
after  this,  I  faw  his  advertiftment  of  the  Pamphlet  he  intended  to  pub- 
lifh :  As  the  attack  zvas  to  be  madt  in  a  language  hut  little  fiudied,  and 
lefs  underftood  in  Prance,  and  as  every  thing  fufftrs  by  tranjlation,  I 
pr omr fed  fome  of  the  friends  of  the  Revolution  in  that  country,  that 
whenever  Mr.  Burke's  Pamphlet  eame  forth,  I  would  anfwer  it.  This 
appeared  to  me  the  more  neceffary  to  be  done,  when  I  faw  the  fagrant 
mifreprejentations  zvhich  Mr.  Burke's  Pamphlet  contains;  and  tha^ 
while  it  IS  an  outrageous  ahife  on  the  French  Revolution,  and  the  prin- 
ciples of  Liberty,  it  is  an  impoftion  on  the  rejl  oj  the  world. 

I  am  the  more  ajiomfhed  and  difappointed  at  this  conduB  in  Mr. 
Burke,  as  (from  the  circumflance  1  am  going  to  mention)  I  had  formed 
other  expeciations. 

1  had  fen  enough  of  the  miferies  of  War,  to  wifh  it  might  never 
more  have  exijlence  in  the  world,  and  that  fome  oth.r  mode  might  be 
found  out  to  fettle  the  difference's  that  fhould  occafonally  arife  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  nations.  This  certainly  might  be  done  if  Courts 
were  difpcfed  to  fet  honefdy  about  it,  or  if  countries  were  enlightened 
enough  not  to  be  made  the  dupes  of  Courts,  The  people  of  America  had 
teen  bred  up  in  the  fame  prejudices  againfl  France,  which  at  that  time 
char aEleriJed  the  people  of  England  ;  but  experience,  and  an  acquaint- 
ance with  the  French  nation,  have  mofi  ejfeRually  fiown  to  the  Ameri- 
cans, the  falfehood  of  thofe  prejudices;  and  I  do  not  believe  that  a 
more  cordial  and  confidential  inter courfe  exijis  between  any  two  coun- 
tries than  beeween  America  and  France. 

When  1  came  to  France  in  the  fpring  of  1787,  the  archbifJiop  of 
Thoulouf,  was  then  minifler,  and  at  that  time  highly  efleemcd.  I  be- 
came much  acquainted  zvith  the  private  Secretary  of  that  Minifler,  a 
man  of  an  enlarged  and  benevolent  heart ;  and  found,  that  his  fenti- 
7nents  and  m^ozon  perfeBly  agreed  with  rtfpeB  to  the  madnefs  of  war, 
and  the  wretched  impolicy  of  two  nations,  like  England  and  France, 
continually  worrying  each  other,  to  no  oiier  end  than  that  of  a  mutual 

m-creofe 


(     5     ) 

ihcredfe  of  kurdtns  and  taXi^s.  That  I  mkkt  k  ajfured  I  had  not  mif 
u7iderJlDod  him,  ncr  he  me,  I  {ut  the  Jub fiance  oj  our  opinions  into 
zvritinir,  and  Jent  it  to  him  ;  Juhjoiniiig  a  reqiteji,  that  if  I  Jlionld  fee 
among  the  people  of  England,  any  difpofition  to  cultivate  a  better  under - 
ftandmg  between  the  two  nations  than  had  hitherto  prevailed,  horv  Jar 
I  might  be  autkonftd  to  fay  that  the  fame  diJpofUion  prevailed  on  the 
part  of  France?  Re  anfwered  me  by  letter  in  the  mojl  unrtftrvedman- 
ntr,  and  that  not  j or  himfelf  only,  but  for  the  Minijler,  with  zuhofi 
knowledge  the  letter  was  declared  to  be  written. 

I  put  this  letter  into  the  hands  of  Mr,  Burke,  almofi  three  years  ago, 
and  left  it  with  him,  where  it  Jlill  remains  ;  hoftng,  and  at  the  fame 
time  naturally  expe&ing,  from  the  opinion  I  had  conceived  of  him,  thai 
he  would  find  fome  opportunity  of  making  a  good  vfe  of  it,  for  the 
purpofe  of  removing  thofe  errors  and  prejudices,  which  two  neighhour- 
'ing  nations,  from  the  want  of  knowing  each  other,  had  entertaimd,  to 
the  injury  of  both. 

When  the  French  Revolution  broke  aut,  it  certainly  afforded  Mr, 
Burke  an  opportunity  of  doing  fome  good,  had  he  been  difpofed  to  it; 
irflead  of  which,  no  fooner  did  he  fee  the  old  prejudices  wearing  away, 
than  he  immediately  began  fowtng  the  feeds  of  a  new  inveteracy,  as  if 
he  were  afraid  that  England  and  France  would  ccafe  to  be  enemies. 
That  there  are  men  in  all  countries  who  get  thar  living  by  war,  and  by 
keeping  up  the  quarrels  of  nations,  is  as  f  locking  as  it  is  true ;  but 
zuhen  thofe  zujio  are  concerned  in  the  government  of  a  country,  make 
it  their  fludy  to  fozv  difcord,  and  cultivate  prejudices  between  nations, 
it  becomes  the  more  unpardonable. 

With  refpeil  to  a  paragraph  in  this  work,  alluding  to  Mr.  Burke's 
having  a  ptnfion,  the  report  has  been  fome  time  in  circulation,  at  leafl 
two  months  ;  and  as  a  perfon  is  often  the  lafl  to  hear  what  concerns  him 
the  mofi  to  know,  I  have  mentioned  it,  that  Mr.  Burke  may  have  an 
Opportunity  of  contradiRing  the  rumour,  if  he  thinks  proper. 

'  THOMASPAINE. 


(     6 


RIGHTS  of  MAN,  &c. 


A  MO  NG  the  incivilities  by  which  nations  or  individuals  pro- 
j^X.  voke  and  irritate  each  other,  Mr.  Burke's  pamphlet  on  the 
French  P.evolution  is  an  extraordinary  inftance.  Neither  the  peo- 
ple o[  Fiance,  nor  the  National  Aflembly,  were  troubling  themfelves 
about  the  affairs  of  England,  or  the  Englifh  Parliament;  and  why 
Mr.  Burke  fhould  commence  an  unprovoked  attack  upon  them,  both 
in  parliament  and  in  public,  is  a  conduft  that  cannot  be  pardoned  on 
the  Icore  of  manners,  nor  juftified  on  that  of  policy. 

There  is  fcarceiy  an  epithet  of  abufe  to  be  found  in  the  EngliQi 
language,  with  which  Mr.  Burke  has  not  loaded  the  French  nation 
and  tlie  National  Affembly.  Every  thing  which  rancour,  prejudice, 
ignorance  or  knowledge  could  fuggelf,  are  poured  forth  in  the  co- 
pious fury  of  near  four  bundled  pages.  In  the  flrain  and  on  the 
plan  Mr.  Burke  was  writing,  he  might  have  written  on  to  as  many 
thoul^nds.  When  the  tongue  or  the  pen  is  let  loofe  in  a  phrenzy 
of  pafFion,  ii  is  the  man,  and  not  the  fubje61,  that  becomes  exhaufted. 

Hitherto  Mr.  Burke  has  been  raiffaken  and  difappointed  in  the 
opinions  he  had  formed  of  the  affairs  ot  France;  but  fuch  is  the  in- 
genuity of  his  hope,  and  the  malignancy  of  his  defpair,  that  it  fur- 
iiifiies  him  with  new  pretences  to  go  on.  There  was  a  time  when  it 
was  impoffible  to  make  Mr.  Burke  believe  there  would  be  any  re- 
volution in  France.  His  opinion  then  was,  that  the  French  had 
neitlicr  fpiiit  to  undertake  it,  nor  fortitude  to  fupport  it;  and  now 
that  tliere  is  one,  he  feeks  an  efcape  by  condemning  it. 

Not  fufficiently  content  v/ith  abufing  the  National  Affembly,  a 
great  part  of  his  work  is  taken  up  with  abufmg  Dr.  Price,  (one  of 
the  beft-hearted  men  that  lives)  and  the  two  focieties  in  England 
knov/n  by  the  name  of  the  Revolution  Society,  and  the  Society  for 
Conllitutlonal  Information. 

Dr.  Price  had  preached  a  lermon  on  the  4th  of  November,  1789, 
l)eing  the  anniveifary  of  what  is  called  in  England  the  Revolution 
which  took  place  1688.     Mr.  Burke,  fpeaking  ot  this  fermon,  fays, 

*  The  political  Divine  proceeds  dogmatically  to  aflerr,  that,  by  the 

*  piinciplcs  of  the  Revolution,  the  people  of  England  have  acquir- 

*  cd  three  fuitdamental  rights  : 

*  1.  To  chufe  our  own  governors. 

*  2.  To  cafhicr  them  for  mifconduft. 

'  3.  To  frame  a  ooveinmcni  fgr  ourfelvts.  Dr. 


{     7     ) 

Dr.  Price  docs  not  fay  that  the  right  to  do  thcfe  things  exifls  in  thi^ 
©r  in  that  perfon,  or  in  this  or  in  that  defcription  of  perl'ons,  but 
that  it  exifts  in  the  whole;  that  it  is  a  right  refident  in  the  nation. — 
Mr.  Burke,  on  the  contrary,  denies  that  fucli  a  right  exiRs  in  the 
nation,  either  in  whole  or  in  part,  or  that  it  exifls  any  v/!iere  ;  and 
what  is  ftill  more  ftrange  and  marvellous,  he  fays,  '  that  the  people 

*  of  England  utterly  difclaim  fuch  a  right,  and  that  they  will  refill 

*  the  praftical  afTertion  of  it  with  their  lives  and  fortunes. '  That 
men  fhouldtake  up  arms,  and  fpend  their  lives  and  fortunes,  noi  to 
maintain  their  rights,  but  to  maintain  they  have  nol  rights,  is  an  en- 
tire new  fpecies  of  difcovery,  and  fuited  to  the  paradoxical  genius  of 
Mr.  Burke. 

The  method  which  Mr.  Burke  takes  to  prove  that  the  people  of 
England  have  no  fuch  rights,  and  that  fuch  rights  do  not  now  e?c!fl 
in  the  nation,  either  in  whole  or  in  part,  or  any  where  at  ail,  is  of 
the  fame  marvellous  and  monftrous  kind  with  what  he  has  already 
faid;  for  his  arguments  are,  that  the  perfons,  or  the  generation  of 
perfons,  in  whom  they  did  exifl,  are  dead,  and  with  them  the  righc 
IS  deadalfo.  To  prove  this,  he  quotes  a  declaration  made  by  par- 
lianlent  about  a  hundred  years  ago,  to  William  and  Mary,  in  thcfe 
words:  '*  The  Lords  fpiritual  and  temporal,  and  commons,  do,  in 
"  the  name  of  the  people  aforefaid — (meaning  the  people  ot  Eng- 
"  land  then  living) — mofl  humbly  and  hkMuWy  Juh?iii  theinfelves, 
"  their  heirs  and  pqfierilies,  for  ever."  He  alfo  quotes  a  claufe 
^f  another  a£l  of  parliament  made  in  the  fame  reign,  the  fcnns  of 
which  he  fays,  "  binds  us — (meaning  the  people  of  that  day) — our 
**  heirs  and  our  pojlerity^  to  them,  their  heirs  2Sid  pojlenty ^  to  the 
"  end  of  time." 

Mr.  Burke  conceives  his  point  fufficiently  eflablifiied  by  produc- 
ing  thofe  claufes,  which  he  enforces  by  faying  that  they  exclude  the 
right  of  the  nation  for  ever :  and  not  yet  content  with  making  fuch 
declaratioRS,  repeated  over  and  over  again,  he  further  fays,    *  that 

*  if  the  people  of  England  pofTefTed  fuch  aright  before  the  Revolu- 

*  tion,'  (which  he  acknowledges  to  have  been  the  cafe,  not  only  in 
England,  but  throughout  Europe,  at  an  early  period)  '  yet  that  the 

*  EngliJIz  nation  did,  at  the  time  oi  the  Revolution  mofl  folernnly  re- 

*  nounce  and  abdicate  it,  for  themfelves,  dtnd  hr  all  their  pojierity 

*  Jbr  ever.* 

^  As  Mr.  Burke  occafionally  applies  the  poifon  drawn  from  his  hor- 
rid principles  (if  it  is  not  a  profanation  to  call  them  by  the  name  of 
principles)  not  only  to  the  EngliQi  nation,  but  to  the  French  Revo- 
lution and  the  National  AfTembly,  and  charges  that  augufl,  illumi- 
nated and  illuminating  body  of  men  with  the  epithet  of  vjhrpxrs,  I 
ffcall,  j^«j  ccnmomcj  place  anolher  lyftem  of  principles  in  gppolition 
to  his,  '  '  Th'i 


(     8     ) 

The  Engllfn  parliament  of  1688  did  a  certain  thing  wiilch  for 
themfelves  and  their  conftituents,  they  had  a  right  to  do,  and  which 
it  appeared  right  fnould  be  done;  but  in  additioti  to  this  right,  which 
ihey-  polleded  by  delegation,  they  fet  up  another  right  by  ajfumption^ 
that  of  binding  and  conirouiing  pofterity  to  the  end  of  time.     The 
cafe,  therefore,  divides  itfelF  into  two  parts ;  the  right  which  they 
pofTcfTed  bv  delegation  and  the  right  which  they  fet  up  by  affump- 
tion.    The  firfl  is  admitted ;  but,  with  refpeft  to  the  fecond,  I  rtply— 
There  never  did,  there  never  will,  and  there  never  can  exift  a 
parliament,  or  any  dcfcription  of  men  or  any  generation  of  men, 
in  any  country,  pofleiled  of  the  right  or  the  powder  of  binding  and 
contronllng  pofterity  to  the  '*  end  of  time!'  or  of  commanding  for 
ever  bow  the  world  (hall  be  governed,  or  who  fhall  govern  it :  Arid 
thcrelore  ali  luch  claufes,  a6h  or  declarations,  by  which  the  makers 
of  them  attempt  to  do  what  they  have  neither  the   right  nor  the 
power  to  do,  nor  the  power  to  execute,  are  in  themfelves  null  and 
void. — Every  age  and  generation  muft  be  as  free  to  aft  for  itfelf,  in 
all  cafes,  as  the  ages  and  generations  which  preceded  it.     The  vanity 
and  prefumption  of  governing  beyond  the  grave,  is  the  moft  ridi- 
culous and  infolent  of  all  tyrannies.     Man  has  no  property  in  man  ; 
neither  has  any  generation  a  property  in  the  generations  which  are 
to  follow.     The  parliament  or  the  people  of  1688,  or  of  any  other 
period,  had  no  more  right  to  difpofe  of  the  people  of  the  prefent 
day,  or  to  bind  or  to  controul  them  in  ahy  JJiape  lukatevtr,  than  the 
parliament  or  the  people  of  the   prefent  day   have  to  difpofe  of, 
bind  or  controul  thofe  who  are  to  live  a  hundred  or  a  thoufand  years 
hence.     Every  generation  is  and  muft  be  competent  to  all  the  pur- 
pofes  which  its  occafions  require.     It  is  the  living  and  not  the  dead 
that  are  to  be  accommodated.     When  man  ceafes  to  be,  his  power 
and  his  wants  ceafe  with  him  ;  and  having  no  longer  any  participa- 
tion in  the  concerns  of  this  world,  he  has  no  longer  any  authority 
in  directing  who  fhall  be  its  governorSj  or  how  its  government  fhall 
be  organized,  or  how  adminiftered, 

I  am  not  contending  for,  nor  againft,  any  form  of  government, 
nor  for,  nor  againft,  any  party  here  or  elfewhere.  That  which  a 
whole  nauon  choofes  to  do,  it  has  a  right  to  do.  Mr.  Burke  fays, 
No.  Where  then  does  the  right  exift  ?  I  am  contending  for  the 
rights  of  the  living,  and  againft  their  being  willed  away,  and  con- 
troulcd  and  contrafted  lor,  by  the  manufcript  afTumed  authority  of 
the  dead;  and  Mr.  Burke  is  contending  for  the  authority  of  the  dead 
over  the  rights  and  freedom  of  the  living.  There  was  a  time  when 
kings  difpofed  of  their  crowns  by  will  upon  their  death-beds,  and 
configncd  the  people,  like  beafts  of  the  field,  to  whatever  fuccelTor 
they  appf  imed.  This  is  now  fo  exploded  as  fcarcely  to  be  remem- 
bered, 


(     9    ) 

Dered,  and  fo  iponft reus  as  hardly  to  be  believed:  But  the  par- 
liamentary claufes  upon  which  Mr.  Burke  builds  his  political  church, 
are  of  the  fame  nature. 

The  laws  of  every  country  muft  be  analogous  to  fome  commori 
principle.  In  England,  no  parent  or  mailer,  nor  all  the  authority 
of  parliament^  omnipotent  as  it  has  called  iifeU,  can  bind  or  con- 
troul  the  perfonal  freedom  even  of  an  individual  beyond  die  age  of 
twenty-one  years :  On  what  ground  of  right  then  could  the  par- 
liament of  1688,  or  any  other  parliament,  bind  all  pollerity  tor 
ever  ? 

Thofe  who  have  quitted  the  world,  and  thofe  who  are  not  yet  ar- 
rived at  it,  are  as  remote  from  each  other  as  the  utmoft  flretch  of 
mortal  imagination  can  conceive :  What  polTiblc  obligation  then  can 
exift  between  them,  what  rule  or  principle  can  be  laid  down,  that 
two  non-entities,  the  one  out  of  exiilence,  and  the  other  not  in, 
and  who  never  can  meet  in  this  world^  that  the  one  Ihould  controul 
the  other  to  the  end  of  time  ? 

In  England,  it  is  laid  that  money  cannot  be  taken  out  of  the  poc- 
kets of  the  people  without  their  confent :  But  who  authoriled,  or 
who  could  authorife  the  parliament  of  1688  to  controul  and  take 
away  the  freedom  of  pofterity,  and  limit  and  confine  their  rights  of 
afting  in  certain  rafes  for  ever,  who  were  not  in  exiflence  to  give 
or  to  withhold  their  confent  ? 

A  greater  ablurdity  cannot  prefertt  itfelf  to  the  underftanding  of 
man,  than  what  Mr.  Burke  offers  to  his  readers.  He  tells  them," 
and  he  tells  the  world  to  come,  that  a  certain  body  of  men,  who 
exifted  a  hundred  years  ago,  made  a  law,  and  that  there  now  does 
not  exill  in  the  nation,  nor  ever  will,  nor  ever  can,  a  power  to  ahe: 
it.  Under  how  many  fubtilties,  or  ablurdities,  has  the  divine  riga< 
to  govern  been  impofed  on  the  credulity  of  mankind  !  Mr.  Burke 
has  difcovered  a  new  one,  and  he  has  fhortened  his  journey  to  Rome, 
by  appealing  to  the  power  of  this  infallible  parliament  oJ  formgr 
days;  and  he  produces  what  it  has  done,  as  of  divine  authority;  for 
that  power  muft  certainly  be  more  than  human,  which  no  human 
power  to  the  end  of  time  can  alter. 

But  Mr.  Burke  has  done  fome  fervice,  not  to  his  caufe,  but  to  hij 
country,  by  bringing  thofe  claufes  into  public  view.  They  (crve  to 
demonftrate  how  necelTary  it  is  at  all  times  to  waitch  againll  tlie  at- 
tempted encroachment  of  power,  and  to  prevent  iir.  running  to  ex- 
cefs.  It  is  fomewhat  extraordinary,  that  the  ollence  for  which 
James  II.  was  expelled,  that  of  fetting  up  power  by  ajjumplion^ 
Ihould  be  re-a£ledj  under  another  fhape  and  form,  by  tlie  parliament 
that  expelled  him.  It  (hews,  that  the  rights  of  man  were  but  ixn- 
perfeftly  underftood  at  the  Revolution  i  for  certain  it  is,  that  tiie 

B  riigh^ 


(      10 


riglu  which  iliai  pMiliaincut  fet  up  by  nfj'umption  {for  by  delegation  it. 
had  it  not,  and  con'.d  not  have  it,  becaufe  none  could  give  it)  over 
the  perfons  and  freedom  of  porierity  for  ever,  was  of  that  fame  tv- 
rannical  unfound«^d  kind  which  James  at'empted  to  fet  up  over  the 
parliament  and  the  nation,  and  i'or  which  he  was  expelled.  The 
only  diilerence  is,  (for  in  principle  they  differ  not)  that  the  one  was 
an  ufurper  over  the  living,  and  the  other  over  the  unborn  ;  and  as. 
the  one  has  no  better  authority  to  fland  upon  than  the  other,  both 
of  them  muH  be  equally  null  and  void,  a;id  of  no  efTeft. 

From  v/hat,  or  from  whence,  does  Mr.  Burke  prove  the  right  of 
any  human  power  to  bind  pollcrity  for  ever  ?  He  has  produced  his 
claufes;  but  he  raufl  produce  alfo  his  proofs,  that  fuch  a  right  exiff- 
cd,  and  Ihew  how  it  exilied.  If  it  ever  exifted,  it  muf^  now  exifl ; 
for  whatever  appertains  to  the  nature  of  man,  cannot  be  annihilated 
by  man.  It  is  the  nature  of  man  to  die,  and  he  will  continue  to 
die  as  long  as  he  continues  to  be  born.  But  Mr.  Burke  has-fet  up 
a  fort  of  political  Adam,  in  whom  all  pofterity  arc  bound  for  ever; 
he  muff  therefore  prove  that  his  Adam  polTefTed  fuch  a  power  or 
fuch  a  right. 

The  weaker  any  cord  is,  the  lefs  will  it  bear  to  be  flretched,  and 
the  worfe  is  the  policy  to  ffretch  it,  unlefs  it  is  intended  to  break  it. 
Had  a  pet  fon  contemplated  the  overthrow  of  Mr.  Burke's  pofitions, 
be  wouid  have  proceeded  as  Mr.  Burke  has  done.  He  would  have 
magnified  the  authorities,  on  purpofe  to  have  called  the  right  of  them 
into  quedicn  ;  and  the  inftant  the  queilion  of  right  was  ftarted,  the 
authorities  mull  have  been  given  up. 

It  requires  but  a  very  fmali  glance  of  thought  to  perceive,  that  al- 
though laws  made  in  one  generation  often  continue  in  force  through 
fucceeding  generations,  yet  that  they  continue  to  derive  their  force 
from  the  confent  cf  the  living.  A  lav/  not  repealed  continues  in 
force,  not  becaufe  it  cannot  be  repealed,  but  becaufe  it  is  not  repeal- 
ed; and  the  non-repealing  palfes  for  confent. 

But  Mr.  Burke's  claufes  have  not  even  this  qualification  in  their 
favour.  They  becoir.e  null,  by  attempting  to  become  immortal. 
The  nature  of  them  precludes  confent.  They  deflroy  the  right 
which  'hey  might  have,  by  grounding  it  on  a  right  which  they  cannot 
have.  Immortal  power  is  not  a  human  right,  and  therefore  cannot 
be  a  right  of  parhament.  The  parliament  of  1688  might  as  well 
have  pafled  an  aft  to  have  authorifcd  ihemfelves  to  live  for  ever,  as 
to  make  their  authority  live  for  ever.  All  therefore  that  can  be 
faid  of  them  is,  that  they  are  a  formality  of  words,  ol  as  much  im- 
port, as  if  thofe  who  ufed  them  had  addrefled  a  congratulation  to 
ihemfelves,  and,  in  the  oriental  flile  of  antiquity,  had  faid,  O  par- 
liament live  for  ever ! 

The 


\   11  / 

,  The  circumftances  of  ihe  world  are  contiiv^ally  cuanging,  and 
the  opinions  of  men  change  alio;  and  as  governincat  is  for  the 
living,  and  not  for  the  dead,  it  is  the  liviiig  onl)'  that  li^s  any  right 
in  it.  -That  wjiich  may  be  thought  right  and  found  convenient  in 
one  age,  may  be  thought  wrong,  and  found  inconvenient  in  another. 
In  fuch  cafe?.  Who  is  to  decide,  the  hving,  or  the  dead  ? 

As  almoli  one  hundred  pages  of  Mr.  Burke's  book  are  employed 
upon  thefe  claiifes,  it  wi'l  confequently  follow,  that  if  the  claules 
themfelyes,  fo  far  as  they  fet  up  an  ajfumtd,  ufurpid  dominion  over 
pofierity  for  ever,  are  unauthoritative,  and  in  their  nature  null  and 
void ;  that  all  his  voluminous  interenccs  and  declamation  drav/n 
theretrom,  or  founded  thereon,  are  null  and  voidalfo;  and  on  this 
ground  I  reft  tlie  m.atter. 

We  now  come  more  particularly  to  the  affairs  of  France.  Mr. 
Burke's  book  has  the  appearance  of  being  written  as  inftrutlion  to 
the  French  nation;  but  if  I  may  permit  myfelf  the  ufe  of  an  extra- 
vagant metaphor,  fuited  to  the  extravagance  of  the  cafe,  it  is  dark- 
nefs  attempting  to  illuminate  light. 

While  I  am  writing  this,  there  are  accidentally  before  me  fome 
propofals  for  a  declaration  of  rights  by  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  (I 
tiflc  his  pardon  for  ufmg  his  tormer  addrefs,  and  Ao  it  only  for  dif- 
tinftion's  fake)  to  the  National  AiTembly  on  the  nth  of  July  1780, 
three  days  before  tke  taking  of  tlie  Baftille;  and  I  cannot  but  be 
ilruck  by  obferving  how  oppofite  the  four(  es  are  from  which  th^f 
gentleman  and  Mr.  Burke  draw  their  principles.  Inllead  of  refer- 
ring to  mufty  records  and  mouldy  parchments  to  prove  that  the  rich's 
pi  the  living  are  loll,  "  renounced  anci  abdicated  for  ever,"  by  thofe 
who  are  now  no  more,  as  Mr.  Buike  has  done,  M.  de  la  Fayette 
applies  to  the  living  world,  and  emphatically  fay's,  "  Call  to  mind 
"  the  fentiments  which  Nature  has  engraved  in  the  heart  of  every 
"  citizen,  and  which  take  a  new  force  when  they  are  folemnly  re- 
**  cognized  by  all: — For  a  nation  to  love  liberty,  it  is  fuliicient  that 
"  fhe  knows  it  ;  and  to  be  free,  it  is  fufficient  that  fhe  wills  it." 
How  dry,  barren,  and  obfcure,  is  thefource  from  which  Mr.  Burke 
labours;  and  how  inefFeftual,  though  gay  with  (lowers,  are  all  his 
declamation  and  his  argument,  compared  with  thefe  clear,  concife, 
and  foul-animating  fentiments!  Few  and  fliort  as  they  are,  thev 
iead  on  to  a  vaft  field  of  generous  and  manly  thinking,  and  do  not 
finifli,  like  Mr.  Burke's  periods,  with  mulic  in  the  ear,  and  nothing 
in  the  heart. 

As  I  have  introduced  M.  de  la  Fayette,  I  will  take  the  liberty  or 
adding  an  anecdote  refpefting  his  farewell  addrefs  to  the  Congrefs 
of  America  in  1783,  and  which  occurred  freHi  to  my  mind  when  I 
faw  Mr.  Burt's  thundering  attack  on  the  French  Revolution — M. 

dd 


(  1*  ) 

de  la  Fayette  went  to  America  at  an  early  period  of  the  war,  and 
continued  a  volunteer  in  her  fervice  to  the  end.  His  condu6l* 
through  the  whole  of  that  enterprize  is  one  of  the  mofl  extraordin- 
ary that  is  tc  be  found  in  the  hiftory  of  a  young  man,  fcarcely  then 
tweflty  years  of  age.  Situated  in  a  country  that  was  like  the  lap  of 
fenfual  pleafure,  and  with  the  means  of  enjoying  it,  how  few  are 
there  to  be  found  who  would  exchange  fuch  a  fcene  for  the  woods 
and  wildernefles  of  America,  and  pafs  the  flowery  years  of  youth 
in  unprofitable  danger  and  hardfliip!  But  fuch  is  the  faft.  When 
the  war  ended,  and  he  was  on  the  point  of  taking  his  final  departure, 
he  prefented  himfelf  to  Congrefs,  and  contemplating,  in  his  afFefti- 
onate  farewell,  the  revolution  he  had  feen,  expreded  himfelf  in 
thefe  words  :  "  May  this  great  monument^  raifed  to  Liberty,  ferve  as 
*'  a  lejfon  to  the  opprejfor,  and  an  example  to  the  opprejfed  /"  When 
this  addrefs  came  to  the  hands  of  Dr.  Franklin,  who  was  then  in 
France,  he  applied  to  Count  Vergennes  to  have  it  inferted  in  the 
French  Gazette,  but  never  could  obtain  his  confent.  The  fa6l  was, 
that  Count  Vergennes  was  an  ariftocratical  defpot  at  home,  and 
dreaded  the  example  of  the  American  Revolution  in  France,  as  cer- 
tain other  perfons  now  dread  the  example  of  the  French  Re- 
volution in  England  ;  and  Mr.  Burke's  tribute  of  fear  (tor  in  this 
light  his  book  muft  be  confidered)  runs  parallel  with  Count  Ver- 
gennes' remfal.     Bur,   to  return  more  particularly  to  his  work — 

"  We  have  feen  (fays  Mr.  Burke)  the  French  rebel  againft  a  mild 
*'  and  lawful  monarch,  with  more  fury,  outrage,  and  infult,  than 
*•  any  people  has  been  known  to  rife  againft  the  mod  illegal  ufurper, 
*'  or  the  moft  fanguinary  tyrant." — This  is  one  among  a  thoufand 
other  inft ances,  in  which  Mr.  Burke  fhews  that  he  is  ignorant  of  the 
fprings  and  principles  ot  the  French  revolution. 

Ii  was  not  againft  Louis  the  XVIth,  but  againft  the  defpotic  prin- 
ciples of  the  government,  that  the  nation  revolted.     Thefe  princi- 
ples had  not  their  origin  in  him,  but  in    the  original  eftablifhment, 
many  centuries  back;  and  they  were  become  too  deeply   rooted  to 
be  removed,  and  the  augean  ftable  of  parafites  and  plunderers   too 
abominably  filthy  to  becleanfed,  by   any  thing  fhort  of  a   complete 
and  univerlal  revolution.     When  it  becomes  neceffary  to  do  a  thing, 
the  whole  heart  and  foul  fhould  go  into  the  meafure,  or  not  attempt 
it.     That  crifis  was  then  arrived,  and  there  remained  no  choice  but 
to  aft  with  determined  vigour,  or  not  to  aft  dt  all.     The  King  was 
known  to  be  the  friend  of  the  nation,  and  this  circumftance  v/as  fa- 
vourable to  the  enterprife.     Perhaps  no  man  bred  up  in  the  ftile  of 
an  abfolute  King  ever  poflelTed  a  heart  fo  little  difpofed  to  the  exer- 
cife  of  that  fpecies  of  power  as  the  prefent  King  of  France.     But 
the  principles  of  the  government  itfelf  ftill  remained  the  fame.     The 
■  '  Mo»arch 


(   '3  ) 

Monarch  and  Monarchy  were  diftlnft  and  feparate  things;  and  it 
was  againft  the  eftabhfhed  defpotlfm  of  the  latter,  and  not  againft 
the  perfon  or  principles  of  the  former,  that  the  revolt  commenced, 
and  the  revolution  has  been  carried. 

Mr.  Burke  does  not  attend  to  the  diftinftion  between  men  and 
principles^  and  therefore  he  does  not  fee  that  a  revolt  may  take  place 
againft  the  defpotifm  of  the  latter,  while  there  lies  no  charge  of  de- 
fpotifm  againft  the  former. 

The  natural  moderation  of  Louis  XVI.  contributed  nothing  to 
alter  the  hereditary  defpotifm  of  the  monarchy.  All  the  tyrannies 
of  former  reigns,  a6ted  under  that  hereditary  defpotifm,  were 
(fill  liable  to  be  revived  in  the  hands  of  a  fuccefTor.  It  was  not  the 
refpite  of  a  reign  that  would  fatisfy  France,  enlightened  as  ftie  was 
then  become.  A  cafual  difconiinuance  of  the  praSice  of  defpotifm, 
is  not  a  difcontinuance  of  its  pnncipUs :  the  former  depends  on  the 
virtue  of  the  individual  who  is  in  immediate  pofTeflfion  of  the  pow- 
er ;  the  latter,  on  the  virtue  and  fortitude  of  the  nation.  In  the 
cafe  of  Charles  I.  and  James  II.  of  England,  the  revolt  was  againft 
the  perfonal  defpotifm  of  the  men  ;  whereas  in  France  it  was  a. 
gainft  the  hereditary  defpotifm  of  the  eftablifticd  government.  But 
men  who  can  confign  over  the  rights  of  pofterity  for  ever  on  the 
authority  of  a  mouldy  parchment,  like  Mr.  Burke,  are  not  qualifi- 
ed to  judge  of  this  revolution.  It  takes  in  a  field  too  vaft  for  their 
views  to  explore,  and  proceeds  with  a  mightinefs  of  reafon  they 
cannot  keep  pace  with. 

But  there  are  many  points  of  view  in  which  this  revolution  may 
be  confidered.  When  defpotifm  has  eftablifhed  itfelf  for  ages  in  a 
country,  as  in  France,  it  is  not  in  the  perfon  of  the  King  only  that 
it  refides.  It  has  the  appearance  of  being  fo  in  fhow  and  in  nomi- 
nal authority ;  but  it  is  not  fo  in  praftice,  and  in  fa£l.  It  has  its 
ftandard  every  where.  Every  office  and  department  has  its  defpo- 
tifm, founded  upon  cuftom  and  ufage.  Every  place  has  its  Baftille, 
and  ev^ery  Baftille  its  defpot.  The  original  hereditary  defpotifm  re- 
fident  in  the  perfon  of  the  King,  divides  and  fubdivides  itfelf  into  & 
thoufand  fhapes  and  forms,  till  at  laft  the  whole  of  it  is  a6led  by  de- 
putation. This  was  the  cafe  in  France  ;  and  againft  this  fpecies  of 
defpotifm,  proceeding  on  through  an  endlefs  labyrinth  of  office  till 
the  fource  of  it  is  fcarcely  perceptible,  there  is  no  mode  of  redrefs. 
It  ftrengthens  itfelf  by  alTuming  the  appearance  of  duty,  and  tyran- 
nifes  under  the  pretence  of  obeying. 

When  a  man  refle61s  on  the  condition  which  France  was  in  from 
the  nature  of  her  government,  he  will  fee  other  caufes  lor  revolt 
than  thofe  which  immediately  conneft  themfelvcs  with  the  perfon 
^r  chara£fer  of  Louis  XVI.     There  v;erc,  if  I  may  fo  exprefs  it,  a 

thoufand 


{  »4  y 

ihoufand  defpotifnis  lobs  reformed  in  France,  which  had  grown  up 
under  the  hereditary  defpotifm  of  the  monarchy,  and  became  fa 
rooted  as  to  be  in  a  great  meafure  independent  ot  it.  Between  the 
monarchy,  the  parhament,  and  the  church,  there  was  a  rivaljhip 
of  derpotifm  ;  befides  the  feudal  delpotifm  operating  locally,  and 
the  nunifterial  defpotifm  operating  every-where.  But  Mr.  Burke, 
bv  confidering  the  King  as  the  only  pofTible  obje61  of  a  revoh, 
fpeaks  as  if  France  was  a  village,  in  which  every  thing  that  pafifed 
mufl  be  known  to  its  commanding  officer,  and  no  opprefTion  could 
be  a6led  but  what  he  could  immediately  controul.  Mr.  Burke 
might  have  been  in  the  Baftille  his  whole  life,  as  well  under  Louis 
XVI.  as  Louis  XIV,  and  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  have  known 
that  fuch  a  man  as  Mr.  Burke  exiftcd.  The  defpotic  principles  of 
the  government  were  the  fame  in  both  reigns,  though  the  difpo- 
(itions  of  the  men  were  as  remote  as  tyranny  and  benevolence. 

What  Mr.  Buike  confiders  as  a  reproach  to  the  French  Revolu- 
tion (that  of  bringing  it  forward  under  a  reign  more  mild  than  the 
preceding  ones,)  is  one  of  its  highefl  honours.  The  revolutions 
that  have  taken  place  in  other  European  countries,  have  been  ex- 
cited by  perfonal  hatred.  The  rage  was  againll  the  man,  and  he 
became  the  viffim.  But,  in  the  inflance  of  France,  we  fee  a  revo- 
lution generated  in  the  rational  contemplation  of  the  rights  of  man, 
and  diHinguifiiing  from  the  beginning  between  perfons  and  princi- 
ples. 

But  Mr.  Burke  appears  to  have  no  idea  of  principles  when  he  is 
contemplating  governments.  "  Ten  years  ago  (fays  he)  I  could 
**  have  felicitated  France  on  her  having  a  government,  without  ea- 
"  quiring  what  the  nature  ot  that  government  was,  or  how  it  was 
*•  adminiilered."  Is  this  the  language  of  a  rational  man  ?  Is  this 
the  language  of  a  heart  feeling  as  it  ought  to  feel  for  the  rights  and 
happinefs  of  the  human  race  ?  On  this  ground  Mr.  Burke  muft 
compliment  every  government  in  the  world,  while  the  viftims  who 
fuifer  under  them,'  whether  fold  into  flavery,  or  tortured  out  of 
cxiilence,  are  wholly  forgotten.  It  is  power,  and  not  principles, 
that  Mr.  Burke  venerates ;  and  under  this  abominable   depravity, 

he  is  dlfqualified  to  judge  between  them. Thus  much  for  his 

opinion  as  to  the  occafions  of  the  French  revolution.  I  now  pro- 
ceed to  other  confidcrations. 

I  know  a  place  in  America  called  Point-no-Foint  ;  becaule  as 
you  proceed  along  the  fhore,  gay  and  flowery  as  Mr.  Burke's  lan- 
guage, it  continually  recedes  and  prefents  iifelt  at  a  diftance  before 
you  ;  but  when  yoti  have  got  as  far  as  you  can  go,  there  is  no  point 
at  a)!.  Jufl  thus  it  is  with  Mr.  Burke's  three  hundred  and  fifty-fix 
pages.     It  is  therefore  difficult  to  reply  to  him.     But  as  the  points 

he 


(  «5  ) 

lie  wiihes  to  eftabllfli  may  be  inferred  from  what  he  abufei,  It  is  in 

his  paradoxes  that  we  muft  lock  for  his  arguments. 

As  to  the  tragic  paintings  by  which  Mr.  Burke  has  outraged  his 
own  indignation,  and  feeks  to  work  upon  that  of  his  readers,  they 
are  very  well  calculated  for  theatrical  reprefentation  where  fafts  are 
manufa£lured  for  the  fake  oi  (how,  and  accommodattd  to  produce, 
through  the  weaknefs  of  fympathy,  a  weeping  effea.  But  Mr. 
Burke^fhouldrecolleft  that  he  i.^  writing  hillory,  and  not  plays; 
and  that  his  readers  will  expeft  truth,  and  not  the  fpcuting  rant  of 
high-toned  exclamation. 

When  we  fee  a  man  dramatically  lamenting  in  a  publication  in- 
tended to  be  believed,  that  "  The  age  of  chivalry  is  gone!  that  The 
"  ^/cr>'  of  Europe  ts  extivguifliedfor  ever !  that  The  unbought  grace 
"  of  life,  (if  any  one  knows  what  it  is)  the  cheap  defence  oj  nations^ 
•'  the  nurfe  of  manly  jentiment  and  heroic  enterprize,  is  gone  /"  and 
all  this  becaufe  ihe  Quixote  age  of  chivalry  nonfenfe  is  gone,  what 
opinion  can  we  form  of  his  judgment,  or  what  regard  can  we  pay 
to  iiis  ta£ls  ?  In  the  rhapfody  of  his  indignation,  he  has  difcovcred 
a  world  of  wind-mills,  and  his  forrows  are,  that  there  are  no  Quix- 
otes to  attack  them.  But  if  the  age  of  ariflocracy,  like  that  of  chi- 
valry, (hould  fall,  apd  they  had  originally  fome  connexion,  Mr. 
Burke,  the  trumpeter  ot  the  Order,  may  continue  his  parody 
to  the  end,  and  finifb  with  exclaiming — '•^Othello's  occupation  s gone !" 
Notwithftanding  Mr.  Burke's  horrid  paintings,  when  the  French 
Revolution  is  compared  with  that  of  other  countries  the  aflonifn- 
ment  will  be,  that  it  is  marked  with  fo  few  facrifices ;  but  this  a- 
f^onilhment  will  ceafe  when  we  refleft  that  principles,  and  not  per- 

fons,  were  the  meditated  objefts  of  deftruftion.  The  mind  of  the  ^ 
nation  was  afted  upon  by  a  higher  flimulus  than  what  the  confidera- 
tion  of  perfons  could  infpire,  and  fought  a  higher  conqueft  than 
could  be  produced  by  the  downfal  of  an  enemy.  Among  the  few 
who  fell  there  do  not  appear  to  be  any  that  were  intentionally  fmg- 
led  out.  They  all  of  them  had  their  fate  in  the  circumftances  of 
the  moment,  and  were  not  purfued  with  that  long,  cold-blcodcf^, 
unabated  revenge  which  purfued  the  unfortunate  Scots  in  the  afFau 

of  1745. 

Throuoh  the  whole  of  Mr.  Burke's  bock  I  do  not  Gbfervelhat 
the  Baftille  is  mentioned  more  than  once,  and  that  with  a  kind  of 
implication  as  if  he  were  forry  it  was  pulled  down,  and  wifiied  it 
were  built  up  again.  "  We  have  rebuilt  Nev/gate  *'  (lays  he,)  and 
**  tenanted  the  m.anfion ;  and  we  have  prifonsalmoft  as  ftrong  us  the 
"  Baftille  for  thofe  who  dare  to  libel  the  Queens  oi  France*."    As  to 

what 

*  Since  writing  the  above,  two  other  places  occur  in  Mr.  3"ike'ipar«- 
phlet,    ii  which  ihc  caaic  of  the  B.iftille  is  uicutidued,  but  Jn  vhc  fs»c 


(    >6    ) 

what  a  madman,  like  the  perfon  called  Lord  George  Gordon, might 
fay,  and  to  whom  Newgate  is  rather  a  Bedlam  than  a  prifon,  it  is 
unworthy  a  rational  confideration.  It  was  a  madman  that  libe!led 
— and  that  is  falHcient  apology  ;  and  it  afforded  an  opportunity  for 
confining  him,  which  was  the  thing  that  was  wifhed  for:  But  cer- 
tain it  is  that  Mr.  Burke,  who  does  not  call  himfelf  a  madman, 
whatever  other  people  may  do,  has  libelled,  in  the  moft  unprovoked 
manner,  and  m  the  grofTeft  ftile  of  the  moft  vulgar  abufe,  the  whole 
reprefentative  authority  of  France  ;  and  yet  Mr.  Burke  takes  his 
feat  in  the  Brltifh  Houfe  of  Commons  1  From  his  violence  and  his 
grief,  his  filence  on  fome  points  and  his  excefs  on  others,  it  is  diffi- 
cult not  to  believe  that  Mr.  Burke  is  forry,  extremely  forry,  that  arbi- 
trary power,  the  power  of  the  Pope,  and  the  Baftille,  arepulled  down. 

Not  one  glance  of  compaffion,  not  one  commiferating  refleftion, 
that  I  can  find  throughout  his  book,  has  he  beftowed  on  thofe  who 
lingered  out  the  moft  wretched  of  lives,  a  life  without  hope,  in  the 
moft  miferable  of  prifons.  It  is  painful  to  behold  a  man  employ- 
ing his  talents  to  corrupt  himfelf.  Nature  has  been  kinder  to  Mr, 
Burke  than  he  is  to  her.  He  is  not  afFefted  by  the  reality  ot  diftrefs 
touching  his  heart,  but  by  the  fhowy  refemblance  of  it  ftriking  his 
imagination.  He  pities  the  plumage,  but  forgets  the  dying  bird. 
Accuftomed  to  kifs  the  ariftocratical  hand  that  hath  purloined  him 
from  himfelf,  he  degenerates  into  a  compofition  of  art  and  the  ge- 
nuine foul  ot  nature  forfakes  him.  His  hero  or  his  heroine  muft  be 
a  tragedy-viftim  expiring  in  (how,  and  not  the  real  prifoner  of  mi- 
fery,  fliding  into  death  in  the  filence  of  a  dungeon. 

As  Mr.  Burke  has  palled  over  the  whole  tranfaftion  of  the  Baf- 
tille (and  his  filence  is  nothing  in  his  favour,)  and  has  entertained 
*his  readers  with  refleftions  on  fuppofed  fafts  diftorted  real  falfehoods, 
I  will  give,  fince  he  has  not,  fome  account  of  the  circumfteinces 
which  preceded  that  tranfaftion.  They  will  ferve  to  fliow,  that 
lefs  mifchief  could  fcarcely  have  accompanied  fuch  an  event,  when 
confidered  with  the  treacherous  and  hoftile  aggravations  of  the  ene- 
mies of  the  Revolution. 

The  mind  can  hardly  pifture  to  itfelf  a  more  tremendous  fcenc 
than  what  the  city  oi  Paris  exhibited  at  the  time  of  taking  the  Ba- 
ftille, 

manner.  la  the  one,  he  introduces  it  In  a  fort  of  obfeure  queftion,  and 
sllci— "  Will  any  minifter*  who  now  ferve  fuch  a  king,  with  but  a  de- 
cent appearance  of  refpeft,  cordialljr  ohcj  the  order*  of  thofe  whom  but 
the  other  day  in  his  name,  ihey  had  coraraiiteJ  to  the  Baftille  ?"  In  the 
other,  the  taking  it  i»  mentioned  a«  implying  criminality  in  the  French 
guards  who  adifted  in  demolitliing  it.—"  Thejr  have  not  (fays  he)  for- 
got the  taking  the  king's  caflles  at  Paris" — This  ii  Mr.  Buike,  wb» 
pretend*  tu  write  oa  coafiitutioaal  freedum. 


(    >7    ) 

ftille,  and  for  two  days  before  and  after,  nor  conceive  tlie  pofTibility 
of  its  quieting  fo  foon.  At  a  diltance,  this  tranra6lion  has  appear- 
ed  only  as  an  at!  of  heroifm,  (landing  on  itfelf ;  and  the  clofe  po- 
litical connexion  it  had  with  the  Revolution  is  loll  in  the  brilliancy 
of  the  atchievement.  But  we  are  to  confider  it  as  the  flrength  of 
the  parties,  brought  man  to  man,  and  contending  for  the  ilTue.  The 
Baftille  was  to  be  either  the  prize  or  the  prifon  ol  the  alTailants. — 
The  downfal  of  it  included  the  idea  of  the  downfal  of  Defpotifm ; 
and  this  compounded  image  was  become  as  figuratively  united  as 
Bunyan's  Doubting  Caftle  and  Giant  Defpair. 

The  National  Aflembly,  before  and  at  ttie  time  of  taking  the 
Baftille,  was  fitting  at  Verfailles,  twelve  miles  diftant  from  Paris. — 
About  a  week  before  the  rifing  of  the  Parifians,and  their  takuig  the 
Baftille,  it  was  difcovered  that  a  plot  was  terming,  at  the  head  ot 
which  was  the  Count  d'Artois,  the  King's  youngeft  brother,  for  de- 
molilhing  the  National  Aflembly,  feizing  its  members,  and  shert-by 
crufhing,  by  a  coup  de  main,  all  hopes  and  profpefts  of  formmg  a 
free  government.  For  the  fake  of  humanity,  as  well  as  of  froe- 
dom,  it  is  well  this  plan  did  not  fucceed.  Examples  are  not  want- 
ing to  Ihew  how  dreadfully  vindi£live  and  cruel  are  all  old  govern- 
ments, when  they  are  fuccefsful  againft  what  they  call  a  revolt. 

This  plan  muft  have  been  fome  time  in  contemplation ;  becaufe 
in  order  to  carry  it  into  execution,  it  was  neceffery  to  colleft  a  large 
military  force  round  Paris,  and  to  cut  off  the  communication  be- 
tween that  city  and  the  National  Afl"embly  at  Verfailles.  The  troops 
deftined  for  this  fervice  were  chiefly  the  foreign  troops  in  the  pay 
of  France,  and  who,  for  this  particular  purpofe,  were  drawn  from 
the  diftant  provinces  where  they  were  then  ftationed.  When  they 
were  colle6led,  to  the  amount  ot  between  twenty  five  and  thirty 
thoufand,  it  was  judged  time  to  put  the  plan  into  execution.  The 
miniftry  who  were  tlien  in  office,  and  who  were  friendly  to  the 
Revolution,  were  inftantly.difmifTed,  and  a  new  miniftry  formed 
of  thofe  who  had  concerted  the  projeft ;— among  whom  was  Count 
de  Broglio,  and  to  his  (hare  was  given  the  com.jnand  oi  thofe  troops* 
The  charafter  of  this  man,  as  delcribed  to  me  in  a  letter  which  1  com- 
munica,ted  to  M.  Burke  before  he  began  to  write  his  book,  and 
from  an  authority  which  Mr.  Burke  well  knows  was  good,  was  that 
ot  '*  an  high  flying  ariftocrat,  '*  cool,  and  capable  of  everv  mif- 
chief." 

While  thefe  matters  wexe  agitating,  the  National  AfTembly 
ftood  in  the  moft  perilous  and  critical  fituation  that  a  body  of  men 
can  be  fuppofed  to  aft  in.  They  were  the  devoted  victims,  and 
they  knew  it.  They  had  the  hearts  and  wlflies  of  their  country  on. 
their  fide,  but  military  authority    thev  had   r\one.     The  guards  of 

r        ^  Broglio 


<  lb ) 

Brogllo  furroiHvled  the  hall  where  the  Affembly  Tat,  ready,  at  the 
word  of  conimand,  to  fcize  their  perfons,  as  had  been  done  the  year 
before  to  the  parliament  in-Paris.  PIdfl  the  Naiional  AiTembly  de- 
feried  their  trnO,  or  had  tFley  exhibited  figns  of  \veaknefs'  or  fear, 
their  ene-nies  had  been  encouraged,  and  the  country  deprelFed. 
When  the  (itiiation  they  flood  in,  the  caufe  they  were  engaged  in, 
and  the  crifis  then  ready  to  bjrft  which  fhould  determine  their  per- 
fonal  and  political  fate,  and  that  of  iheir  country,  and  probably  of 
Europe,  are  laken  into  one  view,  none  hut  a  heart  callous  with  pre- 
judice, or  corrupted  Dy  dependence,  can  avoid  iuterelling  itfelf  in 
their  fuccefs. 

1  he  Arch!)ii]iop  of  Vienne  Wcis  at  this  time  prefidem  of  the  Na- 
tional Aflenibly  ;  a  perfon  too  old  to  undergo  the  fcene  that  a  few 
davs,  or  a  few  hours,  might  luring  forth.  A  man  of  more  aftivity, 
and  bolder  fortitude,  was  neceffary  ;  and  the  National  AfTembly 
chofe  (under  the  form  of  a  vice  prefident,  for  the  prefidency  ftill 
refided  in  the  archbifhop)  M.  de  la  Fayette  ;  and  this  is  the  only  in- 
Ihmce  of  a  vice -prefident  being  chofen.  It  was  at  the  moment  that 
this  llorm  was  pending  (July  ii)  that  a  declaration  of  rights  was 
brougfit  forward  by  M.  de  la  Fayette,  and  is  the  fame  which  is 
alluded  to  in  page  1 1.  It  was  haftily  drawn  up,  and  makes  only  a 
part  of  a  more  extenfive  declaration  of  rights,  agreed  upon  and 
adopted  afterwards  by  the  National  Affembly.  The  particular  rea- 
fon  for  bringing  it  torward  at  this  moment,  (M.  de  la  Fayette  has 
fmce  informed  me)  was,  that  if  the  National  AfTembly  fhould  fall  in 
the  threatened  deftruftion  that  then  furrounded  it,  fome  traces  of  its 
principles  might  have  the  chance  ot  furviving  the  wreck. 

FA'cry  thing  now  was  drawing  to  a  crifis.  l^he  event  was  free- 
dom or  flavery.  On  one  fide,  an  army  of  nearly  thirty  thoufand 
men ;  on  the  other,  an  unarmed  body  of  citizens;  for  the  citizens 
of  Paris,  on  whom  the  National  AiTembly  muft  then  immediately 
4epend,  were  as  unarmed  and  undifciplined  as  the  citizens  of  Lon- 
don  are  now. — The  French  guards  had  given  flrong  fymptoms  of 
their  being  attached  to  the  national  caufe  ;  but  their  numbers  were 
fmall,  not  a  tenth  part  of  the  force  that  Broglio  commanded,  and 
their  officers  were  in  the  interefl  of  Broglio. 

Matters  being  now  ripe  for  execution,  the  new  miniftry  made 
their  appearance  in  oftice.  The  reader  will  carry  in  his  mind,  that 
the  Baftille  was  taken  the  14th  of  July:  the  point  of  time  I  am  now 
fpeaking  to,  is  the  12th.  Immediately  on  the  news  of  the  change 
of  miniftry  reaching  Paris  in  the  afternoon,  all  the  play-houfes  and 
places  of  entertainment,  fliops  and  houfes,  were  fhut  up.  The 
change  of  miniftry  was  confidered  and  tfeeprelude  of  hoflillitieS,  and 
the  opinion  was  rightly  founded. 

The 


(    >9    ) 

The  foreign  troops  began  to  advance  towards  the  city.  The 
Prince  de  Lambefc,  who  commanded  a  body  ot  German  cavalry, 
approaclied  by  the  Place  ot  Louis  XV.  which  connects  iifelf  with 
lome  ot  the  ftrects.  In  his  march  he  infulted  and  flruck  an  old  man 
with  his  fword.  The  French  are  remarkable  for  their  refpett  to 
old  age,  and  the  infolencc  with  which  ii  appeared  to  be  done,  united 
with  the  general  fermentation  they  were  in,  produced  a  poweiiuf 
efFe6i,  and  a  cry  of  To  arms!  to  arms!  ifpread  iifelf  in  a  moment 
over  the  city. 

Arms  they  had  none,  norfrarcely  any  who  new  the  ufc  oftheni; 
btit  defperate  refolution,  v/hcn  every  hope  is  at  {lake,  fupplies,  for 
a  whi'e,  the  want  of  arms.  Near  where  the  Prince  de  Lambefc 
was  drawn  up,  were  large  piles  of  flones  collected  for  building  the 
new  bridge,  and  with  thefe  the  people  attacked  the  cavalry.  A 
party  of  the  French  guards  upon  hearing  the  firing,  rufhed  from 
their  quarters  and  joined  the  people;  and  night  coming  on  the  ca- 
valry retreated. 

The  flreets  oF Paris,  being  narrow,  are  favourable  for  defence; 
and  the  loftinefs  of  the  houfes,  confiding  of  many  ftories,  from 
which  great  annoyance  might  be  given,  fecurcd  themagainft  no61u- 
ral  enterprifes;  and  the  night  was  ipent  in  providing  themfelves  with 
every  fort  of  weapon  they  could  make  or  procure:  Guns,  fu^ords, 
blackfmiths  hammers,  carpenters'* axes,  iron  crows,  pikes,  halberts, 
pitchforks,  fpits,  clubs,  occ.  &c. 

The  incredible  numbers  with  which  they  afTemblcd  the  next 
morning,  and  the  ftill  more  incredible  refolution  they  exhibited, 
embarraifed  and  aflonifhed  their  enemies.  Little  did  the  new  mi- 
niftry  expe6l  fuch  a  faluie.  Accoflomed  to  flavery  themfelves, 
they  had  no  idea  that  Liberty  was  capable  of  fuch  infpiration,  or 
that  a  body  of  unarmed  citizens  would  dare  to  face  the  military 
force  of  thirty  thoufand  men.  Every  moment  of  this  day  was  em- 
ployed in  colle6ling  arms,  concerting  plans,  and  arrangmg  them- 
felves into  the  befl  order  which  fuch  an  inflantaneous  movement 
could  afford.  Broglio  continued  lying  round  the  city,  but  made  no 
further  advances  this  day,  and  the  fucceeding  night  paffed  with  as 
much  trafiquiiity  as  fuch  a  fcene  could  poiTibly  produce. 

But  defence  only  was  not  the  objc£l  of  the  citizens.  They  had 
a  caufe  at  ftake,  on  which  depended  their  freedom  or  their  flaver)'. 
They  every  moment  expefted  an  attack,  or  to  hear  of  one  made  on 
the  National  Alfembly;  and  in  fuch  a  fituation,  the  moll  prompt 
meafures  are  fometijnes  the  belt.  The  object  that  now  prefented 
itielf,  was  the  Bailille;  and  the  eclat  of  carrying  fucli  a  fortrefs  in 
the  face  of  fuch  an  army,  could  not  fail'  to  faike  a  terror  intcj 
tfie  new  miniilry,  who  had  fcarcely  yet  had  time  lo  iiiect.     By  fome 

intercepted 


(  "  ) 

intercepted  correfpondence  this  morning,  it  was  difcovered,  that  the 
Mayor  o^  Paris,  M.  Defflefleres,  who  appeared  to  be  in  their  inter- 
eft,  was  betraying  them :  and  frotn  this  difcovery,  there  remained 
no  doubt  that  BrogHo  would  reinforce  the  Baftille  the  enfuing  even- 
ing. It  was  thoereforc  necelFary  to  attack  it  that  day  ;  but  before 
this  coaid  be  done,  it  was  firft  necefTary  to  procure  a  better  fupply 
of  arms  than  they  were  then  poflefTcd  of. 

There  was  adjoining  to  the  city,  a  large  magazine  of  arms  depo- 
fiied  at  ihe  Kofpita]  of  the  invalids,  which  the  citizens  fummonedto 
furrender;  and  as  ihe  place  was  not  defenfible,  nor  attempted  much 
defence,  they  loon  fucceeded.  Thus  fupplied,  they  marched  to 
attack  the  Baftil'e;  a  vaft  mixed  multitude  of  all  ages,  and  of  all 
degrees,  and  armed  with  all-  forts  of  weapons.  Imagination  would 
fail  in  defcribing  to  itfelf  the  appearance  of  fuch  a  procefTion,  and  of 
the  anxiety  for  the  events  which  a  few  hours  or  a  few  minutes  might 
produce.  What  plans  the  miniftry  were  forming,  was  as  unknown 
to  the  people  within  the  citv,  as  what  the  citizens  were  domg  was 
unknown  to  the  miniftrv  ;  and  what  movements  Broglio  might 
make  for  the  fupport  or  relief  of  the  place,  were  to  the  citizens  e- 
quaUy  as  unknown.     All  was  myftery  and   haza^^d. 

That  theBaftillc  was  attacked  with  an  enthufiafm  of  heroifm,  fuch 
only  as  the  highell  animation  of  liberty  could  infpire,  and  carried 
in  the  fpace  of  a  few  hours,  is  an  event  which  the  world  is  fully  pol- 
iefl'ed  of.  I  am  not  undertaking  a  detail  of  the  attack  but  bringitig 
*into  view  ihe  confpiracy  againft  the  nation  which  provoked  it,  and 
which  fell  with  the  Baftille.  The  prifon  to  which  the  new  miniftry 
were  dooming  the  National  Aflembly,  in  addition  to  its  being  the 
high  altar  and  caftle  of  defpotifm,  become  the  proper  objeft  to  be- 
gin with.  This  enterprife  broke  up  the  new  miniftry,  who  began 
now  to  fly  from  the  ruin  they  had  prepared  for  others.  The  troops 
of  Broglio  difpcrfcd,  and  himfelf  fled  alfo. 

Mr.  Burke  has  fpoken  a  great  deal  about  plots,  but  he  has  never 
once  fpoken  of  this  plot  againft  the  National  Affembly,  and  the  li- 
berties of  the  nation;  and  that  he  might  not,  he  has  pafled  over  all 
the  circumftances  thai  might  throw  it  in  his  way.  The  exiles  who 
have  fled  from  France,  whofe  cafe  he  fo  much  interefts  himfelf  in, 
and  from  whom  he  has  had  his  lefTon,  fled  in  confequence  of  the 
mifcarriage  of  this  plot.  No  plot  was  formed  againft  them  :  they 
were  plotting  againft  others;  and  thofe  who  fell,  mei,  not  unjuftly, 
the  puniflirrent  they  were  preparing  to  execute.  But  will  Mr. 
Burke  fay,  that  if  this  plot,  contrived  with  the  fubtlety  of  an  ambuf- 
cade,  had  fucceeded,  the  fuccefsful  party  would  have  reftrained 
their  wrath  fo  foon  ?  Let  the  hiftory  of  all  old  government  anfwer 
the  queftion. 

Whom 


( ^> ) 

Whom  lias  the  National  Aflembly  brought  to  the  fcafFold?  None. 
They  were  themfelves  the  devoted  viftims  of  this  plot,  and  they 
have  not  retaliated  ;  why  then  are  they  charged  with  revenge  they 
have  not  a£led  ?  In  the  tremendiious  breaking  forth  of  a  whole  peo- 
ple, in  which  all  degrees,  tempers  and  chara6lers  are  confounded, 
and  delivering  themlelves,  by  a  miracle  oF  exertion,  from  the  de- 
ftruftion  meditated  againlt  them,  is  it  to  be  expe6^cd  that  nothing 
will  happen  ?  When  men  are  fore  ^vith  the  fenfe  of  oppreffions,  and 
menanced  with  tlie  profpeft  of  new  ones,  is  the  caimnefs  of  philo- 
fophy,  or  the  pally  of  infenfibility,  to  be  looked  for  ?  Mr.  Burke 
exclaims  againft  outrage  ;  yet  the  greateft  is  that  which  he  himfelf 
has  committed.  His  book  is  a  volume  of  outrage,  not  apologized 
for  bv  the  impuife  of  a  moment,  but  cherifhed  through  a  fpace  of 
ten  months ;  yet  Mr.  Burke  kad  no  provocation,  no  lite,  no  intereft 
at  flake. 

More  of  the  citizens  fell  in  this  flruggle  than  of  their  opponents  : 
but  tour  or  five  perfons  were  feized  by  the  populace,  and  inftantly 
put  to  death;  the  Governor  of  the  Baftille,  and  the  Mayor  of  Paris, 
who  was  detefted  in  the  a6l  of  betraying  them;  and  afterwards  Fou- 
jon,  one  of  the  new  miniftry,  and  Berthier  his  fon-inJaw,  who  had 
accepted  the  office  of  Intendant  of  Paris.  Their  heads  were  ftuck 
upon  fpikes,  and  carried  about  the  city;  and  it  is  upon  this  mode  of 
puniOiment  that  Mr  Burke  builds  a  great  part  of  his  tragic  fcene. 
Let  us  therefore  examine  how  men  came  by  the  idea  of  punifliipg 
in  this  manner. 

They  learn  it  from  the  governments  they  live  under,  and  retali- 
ate the  punifhment  they  have  been  accuftorned  to  behold.  The 
heads  ftuck  upon  fpikes,  which  remain  for  years  upon  Temple-bar, 
differed  nothing  in  the  horror  of  the  fcene  from  thofe  carried  about 
upon  fpikes  at  Paris :  yet  this  was  done  by  the  Englifh  government. 
It  may  perhaps  be  faid,  that  it  fignifies  nothing  to  a  man  what  is 
done  to  him  after  he  is  dead;  but  it  fignifies  much  to  the  living :  it 
either  tortures  their  feelings,  or  hardens  their  hearts  ;  and  in  ci- 
ther cafe,  it  inftru6ls  them  how  to  punifli  when  power  falls  in  their 
hands. 

Lay  then  the  axe  to  the  root,  and  teach  government  humanity. 
It  is  their  fanguinary  punifhments  which  corrupt  mankind.  In 
England,  the  punifhment  in  certain  cafes,  is  by  hanging,  drawings 
and  quartering;  the  heart  of  the  fufferer  is  cut  out,  and  held  up  to 
the  view  ot  the  populace.  In  France  under  the  former  government, 
the  punifhments  were  not  lefs  barbarous.  Who  does  not  remember 
the  execution  of  Damicn,  torn  to  pieces  by  the  horfes  ?  The  effeft 
of  thofe  cruel  fpeftacles  exhibited  to  the  populace,  is  to  deftroy 
lendernef?,  or  to  ex^cite  revenge  ;  and  by  the  bafs  and  falfe   idea   of 

governing 


( 22 ) 

governing  men  by  terror,  inftead  of  reafon,  they  become  precedents. 
It  is  over  the  loweft  clafs  of  mankind  that  government  by  terror  is 
intended  to  operate,  and  it  is  on  them  that  it  operates  to  the  worft 
efFeft.  They  have  fenfe  enough  to  feel  they  are  the  objefts  aimed  at; 
and  they  infli61  in  their  turn  the  examples  of  terror  they  have  been 
inflrufted  to  praflife. 

There  is  in  all  European  countries,  a  large  clafs  of  people  of  that 
defcripiion  which  in  England  is  called  the  '*  mob.*'  Of  this  clafs 
were  thofe  who  committed  the  burnings  and  devaftations  in  London 
in  1780,  and  of  this  clafs  were  thofe  who  carried  the  heads  upon 
fpikes  in  Paris.  Foulon  and  Berthier  were  taken  up  in  the  coun- 
try, and  fent  to  Paris,  to  undergo  their  examination  at  the  Hotel  dc 
ViUe;  for  the  National  AfTembly,  immediately  on  the  new  miniflry 
coming  into  office,  pafTed  a  decree,  which  they  communicated  to 
the  King  and  Cabinet,  that  they  (the  National  Aflembly)  would  hold 
the  rainiftry,  of  which  Foulon  was  one,  refponfible  for  the  meafuies 
they  were  advifmg  and  purfuing ;  but  the  mob,  incenfed  at  the  ap- 
pearance of  Foulon  and  Berthier,  tore  them  from  their  condu6lors 
before  they  were  carried  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  and  executed  them 
on  the  fpot.  Why  then  does  Mr.  Burke  charge  outrages  of  this 
kind  on  a  whole  people  ?  As  well  may  he  charge  the  riots  and  out- 
rages of  1780  on  all  the  people  of  London,  or  thofe  in  Ireland  on 
all  his  countrymen. 

But  every  thing  we  fee  or  hear  ofFenfive  to  our  feelings,  and  de- 
rogatory to  the  human  charafter,  fhould  lead  to  other  refleftions 
than  thofe  of  reproach.  Even  the  beings  who  commit  them  have 
fome  claim  to  our  confideration.  How  then  is  it  that  luch  vaft 
claJGfes  of  mankind  as  are  diflinguifhed  by  the  appellation  of  the 
vulgar,  or  the  ignorant  mob,  are  fo  numerous  in  all  old  countries  ? 
The  inflant  we  alk  ourfelves  this  queflion,  reflexion  feels  an  an- 
fwer.  They  arife,  as  an  unavoidable  confequence;^  out  of  the  ill 
ronflruftion  of  all  old  governments  in  Europe,  England  included 
with  the  reft.  It  is  by  diftortedly  exalting  fome  men,  that  others  are 
diftortedly  debafed,  till  the  whole  is  out  of  nature.  A  vaft  mafs  of 
mankind  are  degradedly  thrown  into  the  back-ground  of  the  human 
pifture,  to  bring  forward,  with  greater  glare,  the  puppet-fhow  of 
ftate  and  ariftocracy.  In  the  commencement  of  a  Revolution,  thofe 
men  are  rather  the  followers  of  a  ca?7ip  than  of  \ht  Jlandard  of  li- 
berty,  and  have  yet  to  be  inftrufted  how  to  reverence  it. 

I  give  to  Mr.  Buike  all  his  theatrical  exaggerations  for  fafts,  and 
I  then  aflt  him,  if  they  do  not  eftablifli  the  certainty  of  what  I  here 
lay  down  ?  Admitting  them  to  be  true,  they  ftiew  the  ncceffity  of 
the  French  Revolution,  as  much  as  any  one  thing  he  could  have 
afTerted.     Thefe  outrages  were  not  the  effea  of  the  principles  of 

the 


t  23  ) 

the  Revolution,  but  of  the  degraded  mind  that  exifted  before  the 
Revolution,  and  which  the  Revolution  is  calculated  to  reform  — 
Place  them  then  to  their  proper  caufe,  and  take  the  reproach  ot  them 
to  your  own  fide. 

It  is  to  the  honour  of  the  National  Aflcmbly,  and  the  city  of  Pa- 
ris, that  during  fuch  a  tremendous  fcene  of  aims  and  confufion, 
beyond  the  controul  of  all  authority,  they  have  been  able,  by  the 
influence  of  example  and  exhortation,  to  reftrain  fo  much.  Never 
were  more  pains  taken  to  inflruft  and  enlighten  mankind,  and  to 
make  them  fee  that  their  inferefl  confilled  in  their  virtue,  and  not 
in  their  revenge,  than  have  been  difplayed  in  the  Revolution  o£ 

France. 1  now  proceed  to  naake  fome  remarks  on  Mr.  Buikc's 

account  of  the  expedition  to  Verlailles,  Oftober  5th  and  6th. 

I  cannot  confider  Mr.  Burke's  book  in  fcarcely  any  other  light 
than  a  dramatic  performance;  and  he  mufl  1  think,  have  confidcred 
it  in  the  fame  light  himfelf,  by  the  poetical  liberties  he  has  taken  of 
omitting  fome  fafts,  diftorting  others,  and  making  the  whole  ma- 
chinery bend  to  produce  a  ftage  efFeft.  Of  this  kind  is  his  account 
of  the  expedition  to  Verfailles.  He  begins  this  account  by  emit- 
ting the  only  fafts,  which  as  caufes  are  known  to  be  true;  every 
thing  beyond  thefe  is  conjefture  even  in  Paris ;  and  he  then  works 
up  a  tale  accommodated  to  his  own  paflions  and  prejudices. 

It  is  to  be  obferved  throughout  Mr.  Burke's  book,  that  he  never 
fpeaks  of  plots  againft  the  Revolution ;  and  it  is  from  thofe  plots 
that  all  the  mifchiefs  have  arifen.  It  fuits  his  purpoi'e  to  exhibit  the 
confequences  without  their  caufes.  It  is  one  of  the  arts  o\  the  dra- 
ma to  do  fo.  If  the  crimes  of  men  were  exhibited  with  their  fuF- 
ferings,  ftage  effeft  would  fometimes  be  loft,  and  the  audience  would 
be  inclined  to  approve  where  it  was  intended  they  fhouKl  commire- 
rate. 

After  all  the  inveftigations  that  have  been  made  into  this  intricate 
affair,  (the  expedition  to  Verfailles)  it  ftill  remains  enveloped  in  all 
that  kind  of  myftery  which  ever  accompanies  events  produced  more 
from  a  concurrence  of  awkward  circumftances  than  from  fixed  de- 
fign.  While  the  charafters  ol  men  are  forming,  as  is  always  the 
cafe  in  revolutions,  there  is  a  reciprocal  fufpiciosi,  and  a  dirpolitioii 
to  mifinterpret  each  other ;  and  even  parties  Jireflly  oppofite  in 
principle,  will  fometimes  concur  in  pulhmg  forward  the  fame  move- 
ment with  very  different  views,  and  with  the  hopes  of  its  producing 
very  different  confequences.  Agreatdealofthlsmay  be  difcovcrcd  in 
this  embarraffed  affair,  and  yet  the  iffue  uf  the  wliole  was  what  no- 
body had  in  view. 

The  only  things  certainly  known,  are,  thit  confiderab'e  uneau^ 
n^h  was  at  this  time  excited  at  Paris,  by  the  deUy  of  the  King  in 

not 


{    24   ) 

not  fan£tioning  and  iurwarding  the  decrees  of  the  Natloiia!  Aflembly, 
particularly  that  ot  the  Declaration  of  the  rights  of  7nan,  and  the 
decrees  of  ihe  JouriJi  of  Augufi^  which  contained  the  foundation 
principles  on  which  the  coniiitution  was  to  be  erected.  The  kind- 
eft,  and  perhaps  the  faireft  conje£lurc  upon  this  matter  is,  that 
fome  of  the  minifters  intended  to  make  remarks  and  obfervations 
upon  certain  parts  of  them,  before  they  were  finally  fan6iioned  and 
lent  to  the  provinces;  but  be  this  as  it  may,  the  enemies  of  the  re- 
volution derived  hope  from  the  delay,  and  the  friends  of  the  revo- 
lution, uneafinels. 

During  this  (late  of  fufpence,    the  Garde  du  Corps,    which  was 
compofed,  as  fuch  regiments  generally  are,  of  perfons  much  con- 
nefted  with  the  Court,  gave  an  entertainment  at  Verfailles  (06f.  i,) 
to  fome  foreign  regiments  then  arrived  ;    and  when  the  entertain- 
ment was  at  the  height,  on  a  fignal  given,  the  Garde  du  Corps  tore 
the  National  cockade  from  then-  hats,  trampled  it  under  toot,  and 
replaced  it  with  a  counter  cockade  prepared  for  the  purpole.     An 
indignity  of  tliis  kind  amounted  to  defiance.     It  was  like  declaring 
war  ;  and  if  men  will  give  challenges,  they  muft  expecl  confequen, 
ces.     But  all  this  Mr.  Burke  has  carefully  kept  out  of  fight.     He 
begins  his  account  by  faying  *'  Hiftory  will  record,  that  on  the  morn- 
*'  ing  of  the  6th  of  061.  1789,  the  King  and  Queen  of  France  after 
**  a  day  of  confufion,  alarm,  difmay,   and  flaughter,  lay  down  un- 
"  der  the  pledged  fecurity  of  public  faith,  to  indulge  nature  in  a  few 
"  hours  refpite,  aad  troubled  melancholy  repofe."     This  is  neither 
the  fober  ftile  of  hiftory,  nor  the  intention  of  it.     It  leaves  every 
thing  to  be  guefled  at, '  and  miftaken.     One  would  at  leaft  think 
there  had  been  a  battle ;    and  a   battle  there  probably  would  have 
been,  had  it  not  been  for  the  moderating  prudence  of  thofe  whom 
Mr.  Burke  involves  in  his  cenfures.     By  his  keeping  the  Garde  du 
Corps  out  of  fight,  Mr.  Burke  has  afforded  himlelf  the  dramatic  li- 
cence of  putting  the  King  and  Queen  in  their  places,  as  if  the  objeft 
of  the  expedition  was  againft  them. — But,  to  return  to  my  account. 
This  conduft  of  the  Gaide  du  Corps,  as  might  well  be   expetled, 
alarmed  and  enraged  the  Parifians.     The  colours  of  the  caufe,  and 
the  caufe  ilfelf,    were  become  too  united  to  miftake  the  intention 
of  the  infult,  and  the  Parifians  were   determined  to  call  the   Garde 
du  Corps  to  an  account.     There  was  certainly  nothing  of  the  cow- 
ardice of  afTafTmation  in  marching  in  the  face  of  day  to  demand  fa- 
tisfaftion,  if  fuch  a  phrafe  may  be  uicd,  of   a  body  of  armed   men 
who  had  voluntarily  given  defiance.     But  the  circumitance  which 
ferve  to  throw  this  affair  into  embarniirment  is,  that  the  enemies  of 
the  revolution  appear  to  have   encouraged    it,  as  wellas  its  friends. 
The  cne  hoped  10  prevtiut  a  civil  war  by  checking  it  in  time,  and 

the 


(    25    ) 

the  other  to  make  one.  The  hopes  of  thofe  oppofed  to  the  revolu- 
tion, refted  in  making  the  King  of  their  party,  and  getting  hiip  Irom 
Verfailles  to  Metz,  where  they  expe6led  lo  coileft  a  force,  and  fet 
up  a  llandard.  We  have  therefore  two  differer.t  objefts  prcfenting 
themfelves  at  the  fame  time,  and  to  be  accompliflicd  by  the  iariic 
means:  the  one,  to  chaftife  the  Garde du  Corps,  which  was  the  ob- 
je6l  of  the  Parifians ;  the  other  to  render  the  confufion  of  fuch  a 
fcene  an  inducement  to  the  King  to  fet  off  for  Mctz. 

On  the  5th  of  Oftober,  a  very  numerous  body  of  women,  and 
men  in  the  difguife  of  women,  coilefted  round  the  Hotel  de  Ville, 
or  town-hall  at  Paris,  and  fet  off  for  Verfailles*  Their  profelTed 
obje£l  was  the  Garde  du  Corps  ;  but  prudent  men  readily  recoliefted 
that  mifchief  is  more  readily  begun  than  ended ;  and  this  imprefied 
itfelf  with  the  more  force,  from  the  fufpicions  already  flated,  and 
the  irregularity  of  fuch  a  cavalcade.  As  foon  therefore  as  a  fufHci- 
cient  force  could  be  collefted  M.  de  la  Fayette,  by  orders  from  the 
civil  authority  of  Paris,  fet  oft  after  them  at  the  head  of  twenty 
thoufand  of  the  Paris  militia.  The  revolution  could  derive  no  be- 
nefit from  confufion,  audits  oppofers  might.  By  an  amiable  and 
fpirited  manner  of  addrefs,  he  had  hitherto  been  fortunate  in  calm- 
ing difquietudes,  and  in  this  he  was  extraordinarily  fuccefsfui  ;  to 
fruffrate,  therefore,  the  hopes  of  thofe  who  might  feek  to  improve 
this  fcene  into  a  fort  of  juflifiable  neceility  for  the  King's  quitting 
Verfailles  and  withdrawing  to  Metz,  and  to  prevent  at  the  fame 
time,  the  confcquences  that  might  enfue  between  the  Garde  du. 
Corps  and  this  phalanx  of  men  and  women,  he  forwarded  expreffes 
to  the  King,  that  he  was  on  his  march  to  Verfailles,  by  the  orders 
of  the  civil  authority  of  Paris,  for  the  purpofe  of  peace  and  protec- 
tion, exprefTmg  at  the  fame  time  the  neceflity  of  reftraining  the 
Giirde  du  Corps  from  firing  upon  the  people*. 

He  arrived  at  Verfailles  between  ten  and  eleven  at  night.  The 
Garde  du  Corps  was  drawr;  up,  and  the  people  had  arrived  fome  time 
before,  but  every  thing  had  remained  fufpended.  Wifdom  and  po- 
licy now  confifted  in  changing  a  fcene  of  danger  into  a  happy  event. 
M.  de  la  Fayette  became  the  mediator  between  the  enraged  parties  ; 
and  the  King,  to  remove  the  uneafincfs  which  had  arifen  from  the 
delay  already  ffated,  fent  tor  the  Prefident  of  the  National  Affemblv, 
and  figned  the  Dtdaraiion  of  the  rights  of  Man,  and  fuch  other 
parts  of  the  conftitution  as  were  in  readincfs. 

It  was  now  about  one  in  the  morning.  Every  thing  appeared  to 
be  compofed,  and  a  general  congratulation  took  place.     By  the  beat 

D  '  of 

*  I  am  warranted  in  affertiag  this,  as  I  had  it  perfonill.r  from  M, 
de  la  Fajreue,  with  whom  I  have  lived  in  luuiis  oi  frier.dth:p  for  four- 
teen years. 


{    26    } 

of  drum  a  procbrnaiion  mas  naHe,  that  the  ciiircris  of  Verfailles 
would  (^ive  the  holpitalitv  of  their  houfes  to  their  fello-.v-ci;!.:  .i;  of 
Paris.  Thofe  who  couid  noi  be  accoramodaied  in  thiN  manner,  le* 
mained  in  the  ftreets,  or  took  r.p  their  quarters  in  the  churches; 
anJ  zt  two  o'clock  the  King  and  Qaeen  reiired. 

In  this  fraie  matters  pa  fled  tiU  the  break  ot  day,  when  a  frcHi  dif- 
ti:;b3nce  arofe  from  the  ceriiarao'e  co-iduS  of  fomeof  both  parties, 
for  fuch  characters  there  will  be  in  all  fuch  fcenes.  One  of  the 
Garde  du  Cr^i^s  appeared  at  one  of  tfc^  windows  of  the  palace,  and 
the  peor.'e  who  had  remained  during  :h?  r.i  jht  in  :be  itreets  accoHed 
him  ,»ith  reviling  and  provocative  language.  Inllesd  of  retiring, 
as  in  fuch  a  cafe  prudence  would  have  dictated,  he  prefented  his 
maflcet,  fired,  and  killed  one  of  the  Paris  militia.  The  peace  be- 
ina  ihus  broken,  the  people  ruihed  into  the  palace  in  queft  of  the 
oiTendcr.  They  attacked  the  quarters  of  the  Garjy  du  Corps  within 
the  palace,  and  puiiued  them  thrnughouc  the  avenues  of  it,  and  to 
the  apanment?  of  the  Kinj.  On  ibis  tumult,  not  the  Queen  only, 
as  Mr.  Burke  has  reprefen-ed  i*.  but  everv  perfon  in  the  palace, 
was  awakened  and  alarmed;  ana  M.  de  la  Fayette  had  a  fecond  time 
to  interpufe  between  the  panics,  the  event  of  which  was,  that  the 
Garde  du  Corps  put  0!i  the  national  cockade,  and  the  matter  ended 
as  bv  oblivion,  at'er  the  lofsof  two  or  three  lives. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  time  in  which  this  confufion  was  ail- 
ing, the  King  and  Queen  were  in  public  at  the  balcony,  and  nei- 
ther of  them  concealed  for  fafetv's  fake,  as  Mr.  Burke  inhnuates. 
Mailers  being  thus  appeafed,  and  tranquillity  reftored,  a  general 
acclamation  broke  forth,  of  Ls  Roi  a  Paris — Le  Rot  a  Paris — The 
King  of  Paris.  It  was  the  fliout  of  peace,  and  immediate-y  accept- 
ed on  the  part  of  the  King.  Bv  tbis  meafure,  all  future  proje£ts 
of  trepanning  the  King  to  i\Ietz,'and  fetting  up  the  flandard  of  op- 
[  oCtxon  lo  the  conllituiion,  were  prevented,  and  the  lufpicions  ex- 
tingnifbed.  The  King  and  his  family  reached  Paris  in  the  evcxiing, 
and  were  congratulated  on  their  arrival  by  M-  Bailiey  the  Mayor  of 
Paris,  in  the  name  of  the  citizens.  Mr.  Burke  who  throughout 
his  book  confounds  things,  perfons,  and  principles,  h«5  in  his  re- 
marks on  M.  Bailley's  addrefs,  confounded  time  alfo.  He  cenfures 
M.  Baiiley  for  calling  it,  '*  un  bonjour,"  a  good  day.  Mr.  Burke 
fhould  have  informed  himfelf,  that  this  fcene  took  up  the  fpace  ot 
two  days,  the  day  on  which  it  began  with  ever)*  appearance  of  dan- 
ger and  mifchief,  and  the  day  on  which  it  terminaied  wiihout  the 
mifchiefs  that  threatened :  and  that  it  is  to  this  peaceful  terminati- 
on that  M.  Baiiley  alludes,  and  to  the  ai rival  of  the  King  at  Paris. 
Not  lefs  than  three  hundred  thoufanJ  perfons  arranged  themfelves  in 
the  procefijon  from  Verfailles  to  Paris,  and  not  aa  acl  of  molelfati- 
oo  yeas  committed  during  tie  whois  march,  Mf, 


27 


Mr.  Burke,  on  the  amhority  of  xM.  Lilly  TglleuJal.  a  dcfeiter 
from  (he  Xdiional  AfTembly,  fays,  that  oa  enterina  Paris,  tiie  peo- 
ple fliou[ed,  *'  lous  les  eveques  a  la  lanUrncy  All  bifhops  to  be 
hanged  at  the  lanthorn  or  lamp  poOs.— It  is  iurprifmg  that  noboriy 
couM  heui  this  but  Lally  Tollenda-,  and  that  nobody  Ihould  believe 
it  but  Mr.  Burke.  It  has  not  the  leaii  connexion  v/irh  any  part  of 
tlie  tran faction,  and  is  totally  foreign  to  every  circumftance  of  it. 
The  bifhops  had  never  been  introduced  before  into  any  fcene  of 
Mr.  Burke's  drama :  Why  then  are  they,  all  at  once,  and  alioae.hcr, 
tout  a  coup  ettous  enfemble,  introduced  now  ?  Mr.  Burke  brings  for- 
ward hisL:C-e3ps  and  his  lanthorn  like  figures  in  a  magic  iamhorn, 
and  raifes  L;-  fcenes  by  contrafl  inflead  of  connexion.  But  it  ferves 
to  fhcK,  with  the  refl  of  his  book,  what  little  credit  ought  to  be  gi- 
ven, where  even  a  probability  is  let  at  defiance,  for  the^'purpoie  of 
defaming;  and  with  this  refletnon,  inftead  of  a  foliloquy  in  praife 
ol  chivalry,  ?s  Mr.  Burke  has  done,  I  clofe  the  account  of  the  ex- 
pedition to  Verfailles*. 

I  have  now  to  follow  Mr.  Burke  through  a  pathlefs  v.-ilrtemefs  of 
rh^apfodies,  and  a  fort  of  defcant  upon  governments,  in  which  he 
aiferts  whatever  he  pleafcs,  on  the  prefumpiion  of  its  being  believed, 
wiihout  offering  either  evidence  or  reafons  for  fo  doing.  ^ 

Before  any  thing  can  be  reafoned  upon  to  a  conclufion,  certain 
faa?,  principles,'  or  data,  to  reafon  from,  muR  be  ertabllfned,  ad- 
mitted, or  denied.  Mr.  Burke,  wirh  his  ufual  ouirage,  abufes  the 
Dedaration  of  the  rights  of  Man,  publifiied  by  tiie  National  Aflembly 
ot  France  as  the  bafis  on  v/hich  the  conflitution  of  France  is  builr. 
This  he  calls  "  paitr)-  and  blurred  fheeis  of  paper  about  the  rights  of 
man." — Does  Mr.  Burke  mean  to  deny  that  nian  has  any  rights?  If 
he  does,  then  he  mull  mean  that  there' are  no  fuch  things  as  rights 
any  where,  and  that  he  has  nonehimfelf;  forwhoisiheremthe  wmld 
but  man?  But  if  Mr.  Burke  means  to  admit  that  man  has  riffhts,  the 
queffion  then  will  be,  what  are  ihofe  rights,  and  how  came'^mak  by 
them  origrinallv  ? 

The  error  of  thofe  who  reafon  by  piecedents  drawn  from  antiqui- 
ty, refpecling  the  rights  of  man,  is,  that  they  do  not  go  far  enough 
into  antiquity.  They  do  not  go  the  whole'  way..  They  flop  in 
lome  of  the  intermediate  flages  of  an  hundred  or  a  thouland  years, 
and  produce  what  was  then  done  as  a  rule  for  the  prefent  day! 
This  is  no  authority^at  all.  If  we  travel  ftiil  farther  into  antiquity, 
we  fhali  find' a  direct  contrary  opinion  and  practice  prevailing; 
and  if  antiquiiy  is  to  be  authority,  a  thoufaud  iuch  au  horities  may 
be  produced,  fucceflively  contr'aditling  each  ctner:  but  if  we  pro- 
ceed 

*  An  accouDt  of  ib«  expidition  to  Verfaih'ea  mir  be  leen  ia  No.  r;. 
of  ihe  RevolutiGnde  Paris,  concaiaing  liie  erects  from  the  td  to  the 
loih  of  Oaober,   17S;. 


{    28   ) 

Gced  on,  we  fliall  at  lafl;  come  out  right ;  we  {hall  corns   to  the  time 
wiien  man  came  from  the  hand  of  his  Maker.     What  was  he  then? 
*Man.     Man  was  his  high  and  only  title,  and   a  higher  cannot   be 
given  him — But  of  titles  I  (hall  fpcak  hereafter. 

We  are  now  got  at  the  origin  of  man,  and  at  the  origin  of  his 
rights.  As  to  ihe  manner  in  which  the  world  has  been  governed 
from  that  day  to  this,  it  is  no  farther  any  concern  of  ours  than  to 
make  a  proper  ai'e  ol  the  errors  or  the  improvements  which  the  hif- 
tory  of  it  prefents.  Thofe  who  lived  a  hundred  or  a  thoufand  years 
ago,  were  then  moderns  as  we  are  now.  They  had  their  ancients, 
and  thofe  ancients  had  others,  and  we  alfo  {hall  be  anc'ents  in  our 
tbirn.  If  the  m.ere  name  of  antiquity  is  to  govern  in  ti^e  affairs  of 
life,  the  people  who  are  to  live  an  himdred  or  a  thoufand  years 
hence,  Mnay  as  well  take  us  for  a  precedent,  as  we  make  a  prece- 
dent of  tho'e  who  lived  an  hundred  or  a  thoufand  years  ago.  The 
fa61;  is,  that  portions  of  antiquity,  by  proving  every  thing,  eftabli{h 
nothing,  it  is  authority  againft  authority  all  the  way,  till  we  come 
to  the  divine  origin  of  the  rights  of  man  at  the  creation.  Here  our 
enquiries  find  a  refting-place,  and  our  reafon  finds  a  home.  If  a 
difputc  about  the  rights  of  man  had  arifen  at  the  di{lance  of  an  hun- 
dred years  from  the  creation,  it  is  to  this  fource  of  authority  they 
inufl  have  referred,  and  it  is  to  the  fame  fource  of  authority  that  we 
niuft  now  refer. 

Though -I  mean  not  to  touch  upon  any  fe6farian  principle  of  re- 
ligion, yet  it  may  be  worth  obferving,  that  the  genealogy  of  Chri{l 
is  traced  to  Adam.  Why  then  not  trace  the  rights  of  man  to  the 
creation  of  man  ?  I  will  anfwcr  the  queftion.  Becaufe  there  have 
been  upftart  governments,  thrulfing  themfelves  between,  and  pre- 
,iumptuou{ly  working  to  un-viake  man. 

If  any  generation  of  men  ever  pofTeffed  the  right  of  di£lating  the 
mode  by  which  the  world  (hould  be  governed  for  ever,  it  was  the 
firft  generation  that  exifted;  and  if  that  generation  did  it  not,  no  fuc- 
ceeding  generation  can  fliew  any  authority  for  doing  it,  nor  can  fet 
any  up.  The  iHuminating  and  divine  principle  ot  the  equal  rights 
of  man,  (For  it  has  its  origin  from  the  Maker  of  man)  relates  not 
only  to  the  Jiving  individuals,  but  to  generations  of  men  fucceed- 
jng  each  other.  Every  generation  is  equal  in  rights  to  the  genera- 
tions which  preceded  it,  by  the  fame  rule  that  every  individual  is 
born  equal  in  rights  with  his  cotemporary. 

Every  hiftory  of  the  creation,  and  every  traditionary  account 
whether  from  the  lettered  or  unlettered  world,  however  they  may 
vary  in  their  opinion  or  belief  of  certain  particulars,  all  agree  in 
eflabliflring  one  point,  the  unity  of  man;  by  which  I  mean  that  men 
5ire  all  ol  one  degree^  and  confequently  that  all  men  are  born  equal, 

and 


(    >9  ) 

«nd  with  equal  natural  right,  in  the  fame  manner  as  if  poftsrity  had 
been  continued  by  creation  inftead  oi generation,  the  latter  bsing  on- 
ly the  mode  by  which  the  former  is  carried  forward  ;  and  confe- 
quently,  every  child  born  into  the  world  mud  be  confi.lered  as  de^ 
riving  its  exiftence  from  God.  The  world  is  as  new  to  him  as  it 
was  to  the  firft  man  that  exifled,  ar\d  hi'?  natural  right  in  it  is  of  the 
fame  kind. 

The  Molaic  account  of  the  creation,  whether  taken  as  divine  au- 
thority, or  merely  hiUorical,  is  full  to  this  point,  tke  unify  or  equa- 
lity of  man.  The  expreffions  admit  of  no  coniroverfy.  *'  And  God 
*'  faid,  Let  us  make^man  in  our  own  image.  In  the  image  of  God 
"  created  he  him. ;  male  and  female  created  he  them."  The  dif- 
tinftion  of  fexes  is  pointed  out,  but  no  o:;her  diftinftion  is  even  im- 
plied. If  this  be  notdivine  authority,  it  is  at  leall  hilforical  autho- 
rity, and  fhews  that  the  equality  of  man,  fo  far  from  being  a  mo- 
dern doftrine,  is  the  oldeft  upon  record. 

It  is  alio  to  be  obferved,  that  all  the  religions  known  in  the  world 
are  founded,  fo  iar  they  relate  to  man,  on  the  unity  of  man.  as  be- 
ing all  ol  one  degree.  Whether  in  Heaven  or  in  hell,  or  in  what- 
ever Hate  man  may  be  fuppofed  to  exilt  hereaiter,  the  good  and  the 
bad  are  the  only  diftin6lions.  Nay,  even  the  laws  of  governments 
are  obliged  to  flide  into  this  principle,  by  making  degrees  to  con- 
lift  in  crimes,  and  not  in  perfons. 

It  is  one  of  the  greateft  of  all  truths,  and  of  the  highcft  advantage 
to  cultivate.  By  confidering  man  in  this  light,  and  by  inftru6ling 
him  to  confider  himfelf  in  this  light,  it  places  him  in  a  clofe  con- 
nexion with  all  his  duties,  whether  to  his  Creator,  or  to  the  crea- 
tion, of  which  he  is  a  part :  and  it  is  only  when  he  forgets  his  origin, 
or  to  ufe  a  more  lalhionable  phrafe,  his  birtk  and  family,  that  he 
becomes  diffolute.  It  is  not  among  the  leaft  of  the  evils  of  the  pre- 
fent  exifting  governments  in  all  parts  of  Europe,  that  man,  con- 
fidered  as  man,  is  thrown  back  to  a  vail  diftance  fro.ii  his  Maker, 
and  the  artificial  chafm  filled  up  by  a  fucceffion  of  Carriers,  or 
fort  of  turnpike  gates,  through  which  he  has  to  pafs,  I -.vill  quote 
Mr.  Burke's  catalogue  of  barriers  that  he  ha."  fet  up  belv/cen  man 
and  his  Maker.  Putting  himielf  in  the  chara6fer  ol  a  iierald,  he 
fays — *•  We  fear  God— we  look  with  awe  to  kings — with  alFeBlon 
"  to  parliaments — with  duty  to  magiitrates — with  reverence  to 
"  priefts,  and  with  refpe6l  to  nobility."  Mr.  Burke  has  forgotten 
to  put  in  "  chivalry y     He  has  alfo  forgotten  to  put  in  Peter. 

The  duty  of  man  is  not  a  wildernefs  of  turnpike  gates,  through 
which  he  is  to  pafs  by  tickets  from  one  to  the  other.  It  is  plain  and 
fmiple,  and  confills  but  of  two  points.  His  duty  to  God,  which 
every  man  muft  feel;  and  with  refpe^l  to  his  neighbour,  to  do  as  he 

would 


(   3°   ) 

would  be  (lone  by.  1\'  thofe  to  whom  power  is  delegated  do  well, 
they  will  be  refpefted;  it  not,  they  will  be  defpifed;  and  with  re- 
gard to  thofe  to  whom  no  power  is  delegated,  but  who  afTume  it, 
the  rational  world  can  know  nothing  of  them. 

Hitherto  we  have  fpoken  only  (and  that  but  in  part)  of  the  natural 
rlglits  of  man.  We  have  now  to  confider  the  civil  rights-  of  man, 
and  to  (hew  how  ihc  one  originates  from  the  other.  Man  did  not 
enter  into  fociety  to  become  zvorjg  than  he  was  before,  nor  to  have 
fewer  lights  than  he  had  before,  but  to  have  thofe  rights  better  fe- 
cured.  His  natural  rights  are  the  foundation  of  all  his  civil  rights. 
But  in  order  to  purfue  this  diftinftion  with  more  precifion,  it  will 
be  neceffary  to  mark  the  different  qualities  of  natural  and  civil 
rights. 

A  few  words  will  explain  this.  Natural  rights  are  thofe  which 
appertain  to  man  in  right  of  his  exiflence.  Of  this  kind  are  all  the 
intelleftual  rights,  or  rights  of  the  mind,  and  alfo  thofe  rights  of 
a6ling  as  an  individual  for  his  own  comfort  and  happinefs,  which  are 
not  injurious  to  the  natural  rights  of  others. — Civil  rights  are  thofe 
which  appertain  to  man  in  right  of  his  being  a  member  of  fociefy. 
Every  civil  right  has  for  its  foundation  fome  natural  right  pre-exift- 
ing  in  the  individual,  but  to  the  enjoyment  of  which  his  individual 
power  is  not,  in  all  cafes,  fufficiently  competent.  Of  this  kind  are 
all  thofe  which  relate  to  fecurity  and  proteftion. 
-  From  this  fhort  review,  it  will  be  eafy  to  diftinguifti  between  that 
clafs  of  natural  rights  which  man  retains  after  entering  into  fociety, 
and  thofe  which  he  throws  into  the  common  flock  as  a  member  of 
fociety. 

The  natural  rights  which  he  retains,  are  all  thofe  in  which  the 
i?ower  to  execute  it  as  perfeft  in  the  individual  as  the  right  itfelf. — 
Among  this  clafs,  as  is  before  mentioned,  are  all  the  intelle6tual 
rights,  or  the  rights  of  the  mind ;  confequently  Religion  is  one  of  thofe 
rights.  The  natural  rights  which  are  not  retained,  are  all  thofe  in 
which,  though  the  right  is  perfeft  in  the  individual,  the  power  to 
execute  them  is  deieftive.  They  anfwer  not  his  purpofe.  A  man, 
by  natural  right,  has  a  right  to  judge  in  his  own  caufe  ;  and  lo  far 
as  the  right  of  the  mind  is  concerned,  he  never  furrenders  it :  But 
what  availeth  it  him  to  judge,  if  he  has  not  power  to  redrels  ?  He 
therefore  depofits  this  right  in  the  common  ffock  of  fociety,  and 
takes  the  arm  of  fociety,  of  which  he  is  apart,  in  preference  and  in 
addition  to  his  own.  Society  grants  him  nothing.  Every  man  is 
a  proprietor  in  fociety,  and  draws  on  the  capital  as  a  matter  of  right. 

From  tliefe  premifes,  two  or  three  certain  conclufions  will  follow. 

Firff,  That  every  civil  right  grows  out  of  a  natural  right ;  or,  in 
©ther  words,  is  a  natural  right  exchanged. 

'  Secondly, 


(    3i    ) 

Secondly,  That  civil  power,  properly  confidered  as  luch,  is 
made  up  of  the  aggregate  of  thalclafs  ot  the  natural  rights  of  man, 
which  becomes  defe£live  in  the  individual  in  point  of  power,  and 
anfwers  not  hispurpofe,  but  when  colltfted  to  a  focus,  becomes 
competent  to  the  purpofe  of  every  one. 

Thirdly,  That  the  power  produced  from  the  aggregate  of  natural 
rights,  imperfeft  in  power  in  the  individual,  cannot  be  applied  to 
invade  the  natural  rights  which  are  retained  in  the  individual,  and 
in  which  the  power  to  execute  is  as  perfeQ  as  the  right  itfelf. 

We  have  now  in  a  few  words,  traced  man  from  a  natural  indi- 
vidual to  a  member  of  fociety,  and  fhewn  or  endeavoured  to  fhew, 
the  quality  of  the  natural  rights  retained,  and  of  thofe  which  are 
exchanged  for  civil  rights.  Let  us  now  apply  thefe  principles  to 
governments. 

In  calling  our  eyes  over  the  world  it  is  extremely  eafy  to  diftin- 
guifti  the  governments  which  have  arifcn  out  of  fociety,  or  out  oi 
the  focial  compaft,  from  thofe  which  have  not :  But  to  place  this  in 
a  clearer  light  than  what  a  fingle  glance  may  afford,  it  will  be  proper 
to  take  a  review  of  the  feveral  fources  from  which  governments  have 
arifen,  and  on  which  they  have  been  founded. 

They  may  be  all  comprehended  under  three  heads.  Firft,  Super- 
Hi  urion.  Secondly,  Power.  Thirdly,  the  common  interell  of 
focieiy,  and  the  common  rights  of  man. 

The  firft  was  a  government  of  prieft-craft,  the  fecond  of  con- 
conqnerjrs,  and  the  third  of  reafon. 

When  a  fet  of  artful  men  pretended,  through  the  medium  of 
oracles,  to  hold  intercourfe  with  the  Deity,  as  familiarly  as  they 
now  march  up  the  back-ftairs  in  European  courts,  the  world  was 
completely  under  the  government  of  fuperflltion.  The  oracles 
were  confulted,  and  whatever  they  were  made  to  fay  became  the 
law  ;  and  this  fort  of  government  lafled  as  long  as  this  fort  of  fu- 
perflition  lafled. 

After  thefe  a  race  of  conquerors  arofe,  whofe  government,  like 
that  of  William  the  Conqueror,  was  founded  in  power,  and  the 
fword  afTumed  the  name  of  a  fceptre.  Governments  thus  eflablifh- 
ed,  lafl  as  long  as  the  power  to  fupport  them  lafls;  but  that  they 
might  avail  themfelves  of  every  engine  in  their  favour,  they  united 
fraud  to  force,  and  fet  up  an  idol  which  they  called  Divhu  Right, 
and  which,  in  imitation  of  the  Pope,  who  effe61s  toba  fpiritual  and 
temporal,  and  in  contradi6lion  to  the  founder  of  the  Chriflian  Re- 
ligion, twilled  iifelf  afterwards  into  an  idol  of  another  fhape,  called 
Church  and  State,  The  key  of  St.  Peter,  and  the  key  of  the  Trea- 
fury,  became  quartered  on  one  another,  and  the  wondering  clieated 
multitude  worlhipped  the  invention.  ^ 

Whea 


(   3--    ) 

When  I  contemplate  tlie  natural  dignity  of  man;  wlien  I  feci, 
(for  Nature  has  not  been  kind  enough  to  blunt  my  feelings)  for  ihe 
honour  and  happinefs  of  its  character,  I  become  irritated  at  the  at- 
tempt to  govern  mankind  bv  force  and  fraud,  as  if  they  were  all 
knaves  and  fools,  and  can  fcarcely  avoid  difguft  at  thofe  who  are 
thus  impofed  upon. 

We  have  now  to  reveiw  the  governments  which  arife  out  of 
fociety,  in  contradiftin£lion  to  thofe  which  arofe  out  ot  fupeiilition 
and  conqueft. 

It  has  been  thought  a  confiderable  advance  towards  eftabliOiing 
the  prmciples  of  Freedom,  to  fay,  that  government  is  a  compitS 
between  thofe  who  govern  and  thofe  who  are  governed  :  but  this 
cannot  be  true,  becaufe  it  is  putting  the  efFeft  before  the  caufe; 
for  as  man  muft  have  exifted  before  governments  exifted,  there  ne- 
ceflarily  was  a  time  when  governments  did  not  exift,  and  confe- 
quently  there  could  originally  exift  no  governors  to  form  fuch  a 
compaft  with.  The  ta8;  therefore  mull  be,  that  the  individuals 
themfihes,  each  in  his  own  perfonal  and  fovereign  right,  entered  in- 
to a  compact  with  each  other  to  produce  a  government :  and  this  is 
the  only  mode  in  which  governments  have  a  right  to  arife,  and  the 
only  principle  on  which  they  have  aright  to  exift. 

To  pofTeis  ourfelves  of  a  clear  idea  of  what  government  is,  or 
eught  to  be,  we  muft  trace  it  to  its  origin.  In  doing  this,  we  (hall 
eafily  difcover  that  governments  muft  have  arifen,  either  out  of  the 
people,  or  over  the  people.  Mr.  Burke  has  made  no  diftin61ion. 
Ke  inveftigates  nothing  to  its  fource,  and  therefore  he  confounds 
every  thing  :  but  he  has  fignifted  his  intention  of  undertaking  at 
fome  future  opportunity,  a  comparifon  between  the  conftitutions  of 
England  and  France.  As  he  thus  renders  it  a  fubje61:  of  controver- 
fy  by  throwing  the  gauntlet,  I  take  him  upon  his  own  ground.  It 
is  in  high  challenges  that  high  truths  have  the  right  ot  appearing  ; 
and  I  accept  it  with  the  more  readinefs,  becaufe  it  affords  me,  at 
the  fame  time,  an  opportunity  of  purfuing  the  fubject  with  refpeft 
to  governnitnts  arifmg  out  ot  fociety. 

But  it  will  be  firft  nectlFary  to  define  what  is  meant  by  a  conjii- 
tution.  It  is  not  fufficient  that  we  adopt  the  word ;  we  muft  fix  alfo 
a  ftandard  fignificaiion  to  it. 

A  conilitution  is  not  a  thing  in  name  only,  but  in  faft.  It  has 
not  an  ideal,  but  a  real  exiftence ;  and  wherever  it  cannot  be  pro- 
duced in  a  vifible  form,  there  is  none.  A  conftitution  is  a  thing 
Antecedent  to  di  gov eTnmeniy  and  a  government  is  only  the  creature 
of  a  conftitutio'n.  The  conftitution  ot  a  country  is  not  the  a6l  ot  its 
government,  but  of  the  people  ccnftituting  a  government.  ^  It  is 
thebodv  ofc.kment?,  to  whicli  you  can  refer,  and  quote  article  by 

article: 


(   33    ) 

article;  and  which  contains  the  principles  on  which  the  go- 
vernment {hall  be  eftablilhed,  the  manner  in  which  it  fliall  be  or.i^a- 
nized,  the  powers  it  fhall  have,  the  mode  ot  elections,  the  duration 
of  parliaments,  or  by  what  other  name  Inch  bodies  may  be  cal'ed; 
the  powers  which  the  executive  part  ot  the  government  Ihall  have; 
and  in  fine,  every  thing  that  reiaies  to  the  ct-mplet^  oig-mizaiioii 
of  a  civil  government,  and  the  principles  on  which  it  (ha'iatt,  and 
by  which  it  (hall  be  bound.  A  conftitiiiion,  therefore  is  to  a  go- 
vernment, what  the  laws  miade  aUerwaid^  by  ihar  government,  aie 
to  a  court  of  judicature.  The  court  o{  judicatuie  does  not  make 
the  laws,  neither  can  it  alter  them  ;  it  on'y  afcfs  in  conformity  to  the 
laws  made;  and  the  government  is  in  like  manner  governed  by  the 
conflitution. 

Can  then  Mr.  Burke  produce  the  Englifh  conflliuilon  ?  If  he  can- 
not, we  may  now  falr'y  conckide,  that  though  it  has  been  fo  much 
talked  about,  no  fuch  thing  as  a  conituution  exiit,  or  ever  did  exiii, 
and  conf^ijaently  that  the  people  have  yet  a  conlluution  to  torm. 

Mr.  Burke  will  not,  I  prefume,  deny  the  pohtion  I  have  alieady 
advanced;  namely,  that  governments  ari(e  either  <?m^  of  the  people 
or  over  the  people.  The  Englifh  government  is  one  of  ihofe 
which  arofe  out  ot  a  conqueTi,  and  not  out  of  fociety,  and  confe- 
quentlv  it  arofe  over  the  people  :  and  though  It  has  been  n:uch 
modified  fiom  the  opportunity  ot  circuinftances  ftnce  the  time  of 
William  the  Conqueror,  the  country  has  nevei  yet  regenerated  it- 
felf,  and  is  therefore  without  a  conPii?ution. 

1  readily  perceive  the  reafon  whv  Mr.  Burke  declined  going  into 
the  companfon  between  the  Enghili  and  French  conftitutious,  he- 
caufe  he  could  not  but  perceive,  when  he  fat  down  to  tiie  t^fk,  that 
no  fuch  thing  as  a  conliitution  exiftedon  his  fide  the  queilion.  His 
book  is  certainly  bulky  enough  to  have  contained  all  he  C(>u!d  lay 
on  this  fuhjecl,  and  it  would  have  been  the  bell  manner  in  which 
people  could  have  judged  of  their  feparate  merits.  Why  then  has 
he  declined  the  only  thing  that  was  worth  while  to  write  upon?  It 
was  the  ftrongefl  ground  lie  could  take,  if  the  advantagres  were  on 
his  fide;  but  the  weakeil,  if  they  were  not;  andhisdelining  to  take  it 
is  either  a  fign  that  he  could  not  pofiefs  it,  or  could  not  maintain  it. 

Mr.  Burke  faid  in  a  fpeech  laft  winter  in  parliament,  that  when 
the  National  AfTembly  firft  met  in  three  Orders,  ([he  Tiers  Etat.s, 
the  Clergy,  and  Nobleffe,)  that  France  had  then  a  good  conflituti- 
on.    This  (hews,  amoncr  nuip.erous  other  inftances,  that  Mr.  Burke 

... 
does  not  underfiand  what  a  conftitution  is.     The  perfons   fo   met, 

were  not  a  co?i/iitu:idn,  but  a  convention  to  make  a  conftitution. 

The  prefent  National  Allembly  of  France  is,  ftriftly  fpeaking, 
the  perfonal  iocial  cori^pacl.     The  raembeis  of  it  are  the  delegates 

E  oC 


[    34    ) 

of  the  naiion  in  its  original  chara61er  ;  future  afTembHcs  \^u\  be  the 
de'egates  oi  the  naiion  in  iis  organiztd  charafter.  Tlie  autiiority 
ot  the  prefent  Alfcmblv  is  diiTereni  to  what  the  author  ty  of  future 
Aflernblles  will  be.  7'he  auihority  of  the  prefent  one  is  to  form  a 
coiiftiluiion:  the  authority  of  future  AfTeu^iblies  wiii  be  to  legif- 
late  accoid:ng  to  the  piincipies  and  tonus  preicribed  in  that  coniii- 
tution ;  and  ir  experience  ihould  hereafter  [hew  that  aUeraiions,  a- 
mendnienis.  or  additions  are  necelfary,  ihe  conftitution  will  point 
out  tiie  mode  by  which  fuch  things  (hall  oe  done,  and  not  leave  it 
to  the  difcrctionary  power  of  the  future  government. 

A  government  on  the  principles  on  which  coniliiutional  govern- 
ments ariiiug  out  cf  fociety  are  eft^b'iflied,  cannot  have  the  right  of 
alterirg  itfcif.  IF  it  had,  it  Vv-xuld  be  .irbiirary.  It  might  make  it- 
felt  vvhat  ii  pleafcd  ;  and  wherever  fuch  a  right  is  fet  up,  it  (hews 
there  is  no  conilituaon.  The  atf  by  which  the  Englilh  Parliament 
empowered  itfelfto  fit  feven  years,  (hews  there  is  no  conftitution 
in  Enghuid.  It  might,  by  the  fame  fell-authoriiy,  have  fat  any 
greater  number  ot  )  ears,  or  for  life.  The  bill  which  the  prefent 
Mr.  Pitt  brought  into  parliament,  fome  yeafs  ago,  to  reform  parlia- 
ment, was  on  the  fame  erroneous  principle.  The  right  of  reform 
is  in  the  nation  in  its  original  character,  and  the  conilitutional  me- 
thod v;ould  be  by  a  gencL-al  convention  elefted  for  the  purpofe. 
There  is  moreover  a  paradox  in  the  idea  ot  vitiated  bodies  re- 
forming themielves. 

From  thefe  preliminaries  I  proceed  to  draw  fome  comparifons. 
I  have  already  ipoken  of  the  declaration  ot  rights;  and  as  I  mean  to 
be  as  concile  aspoflible,  I  fhall  proceed  to  other  parts  of  the  French 
conllitution. 

The  conllitution  of  France  fays,  that  every  man  who  pays  a  tax 
of  fixty  {ous,  per  annum,  (2s.  and  6d.  Englilb)  is  an  eletfor.  What 
article  will  Mr.  Burke  place  againfi;  this?  Can  any  thing  be  more 
limited,  and  at  the  fame  time  more  capricious,  than  the  qualificati- 
ons ot  e'.ettorsare  in  England  ?  Limited — becaufe  not  one  man  in 
an  hundred  (I  fpeak  much  wnthin  compafs)  is  admitted  to  vote:  Ca- 
pricious— becaufe  the  loweft  charafcfcr  that  can  be  fuppofed  to  exift, 
and  who  has  not  fo  much  as  the  vifible  means  of  an  honeft  liveli- 
hood, is  an  eleftor  in  fome  places;  while,  inother  places,  the  man 
who  pays  very  large  taxes  and  has  a  known  fair  charatfer,  and  the 
farmer  who  rents  to  the  amount  of  three  or  tour  hund'-ed  pounds  a 
year,  with  a  property  on  that  farm  to  three  or  four  times  that  a- 
mount,  is  not  admitted  to  be  an  eleftor.  Every  thing  is  out  ot 
nature,  as  Mr.  Burke  favs  on  another  occafion,  in  this  ilrangc 
chaos,  and  all  lorts  of  follies  are  blended  with  all  forts  of  crimes. 
William  the  Conqueror,  and  his  defcendants,    parcelled  out  the 

country 


(    25    ) 

countrv  in  this  manner,  and  bribea  fome  parts  of  It  by  what  they 
called  Charters,  to  hold  the  other  parts  ot  it  better  Tub^efted  to  their 
will.  This  is  the  reafon  why  fo  many  of  thore  Charters  abound  in 
Coinwall.  The  people  were  averfe  to  the  government  eftablilhed 
at  the  conqnefl,  and  the  towns  were  garrifoned  and  bribed  to  enfl.jvc 
the  country.  Ali  the  old  Chaiters  are  the  badges  of  tiiis  conqueft, 
and  it  is  from  this  fource  that  the  caprlcioufnefs  of  eic8ions  anfes. 

The  French  conftltution  fays,  that  the  number  of  reprefenta- 
tives  for  any  place  ihall  be  in  a  ratio  to  the  number  ot  taxable  in- 
habitants or  eieaors.  What  article  will  Mr.  Buike  place  ^lr■.ln{l 
this?  The  county  of  Yorldhire,  which  contains  near  a  milhon  of 
fouls,  fends  t  vo  county  members  ;  and  fo  does  the  county  o^  Rut- 
land, which  contains  not  a  hundredth  part  of  thar  number.  The 
town  of  old  Sarum,  which  contains  not  three  houfes,  fends  two 
members  ;  and  the  town  of  Manchefter,  which  contains  upwards  <-f 
fixty  thoufand  fouls,  is  not  admitted  to  fend  any.  Is  there  any 
principle  in  ihefe  things  ?  Is  there  any  thing  by  which  you  can 
trace  the  marks  of  freedom,  or  difcover  ihofe  of  wildom  ?  No 
wonder  then  Mr.  Burke  has  declined  the  comparifon,  and  endea. 
voured  to  lead  his  readers  from  the  point  by  a  wild  unfyllematical 
difp'ay  of  paradoxical  rhapfodies. 

The  French  conllitution  fays,  that  the  National  Afiembly  (hall  be 
elecled  every  two  years.  What  Article  will  Mr.  Burke  place 
againfl  this  ?  Why,  that  the  nation  has  no  right  at  all  in  the  cafe  ; 
that  the  government  is  perfeftly  arbitrary  with  refpefl  to  this  point; 
and  he  can  quote  for  his  authority,  the  precedent  ol  a  former  par- 
liament. 

The  French  conllitution  fays,  there  (hall  be  no  game  la;vs  ;  that 
the  farmer  on  whole  lands  wild  game  fliail  be  found  (for  it  is  by 
ihe  produce  of  his  lands  they  are  ted)  fliail  have  a  right  to  what  he 
can  take.  That  there  fhall  be  no  mionopoiies  of  any  kind — that 
all  trades  (hall  be  free,  and  every  man  free  to  follow  any  occupation 
by  which  he  can  procure  an  honell  livelihood,  and  in  any  place, 
town  and  city  throughout  the  nation.  What  will  Mr.  Burke  fay  to 
this  ?  In  England,  game  is  made  the  property  of  thofe  at  whofe  ex- 
pencc  it  is  not  fed  ;  and  wuh  refpeft  to  monopolies,  the  country  is 
cut  up  into  monopolies.  Every  chartered  town  is  an  ariflocratical 
monopoly  in  itfelf,  and  the  qualification  of  elccfors  proceeds  out  of 
thofe  chartered  monopolies.  Is  this  freedom?  Is  this  what  Mr. 
Burke  means  by  a  conftitution  ? 

In  thefe  chartered  monopolies,  a  man  coming  from  another  part: 
of  the  country,  is  hunted  from  them  as  if  he  were  a  foreign  enemy. 
An  EnglKhman  is  not  free  of  his  own  country;  every  one  of  thofe 
places  prefents  a  barrier  in  his  way,  and  tells  him  he  is  not  a  free- 
man 


(   36  ) 

man — that  lie  has  no  rights.  Withia  thefe  monopolies,  are  othet 
monopolies.  In  ^  ciiy,  fuch  for  inftance  as  Bath,  which  contains 
between  twenty  and  thirty  ihoufand  inhabitants,  the  right  ot  eleft- 
ing  reprefetitatives  to  parharaeni  is  monopolifed  by  about  thirty-one 
pel  Tons.  And  within  thefe  monopohes  aie  ftill  others.  A  man  even 
of  the  fame  town,  whofe  parents  were  not  in  circumftances  :o  give 
bim  an  occupation,  is  debarred,  in  many  cafes  from  the  natural  right 
of  acquiring  one,  be  his  genius  or  induftry  what  ii  may. 

Are  thefe  things  examples  to  hold  out  to  a  country  regenerating 
itfell:  from  flavery,  like  France?  Certain'y  they  are  not;  and  cer- 
tain am  1,  that  when  the  people  of  England  come  to  refleft  upon 
them,  they  will,  like  France,  annihilate  ihofe  badges  of  ancient  op- 
preffion,  thofe  traces  of  a  conquered  nation. — Had  Mr.  Burke  pof- 
feffed  talents  fimilai  to  the  author  *'  On  the  Wealth  of  Nations," 
he  would  haye  comprebende:^  all  the  parts  which  enter  into,  and,  by 
ademblage,  fonn  a  conftitation.  He  v.^ould  have  reafoned  from 
rninu;ae  to  magnitude.  It  is  not  from  his  prejudices  on'y,  but  from 
the  diforderly  call  of  his  genius,  that  he  is  unfitted  for  the  (ubjetl 
he  writes  upon.  Even  his  genius  is  wuhout  a  conftitution.  It  is  a 
genius  at  random,  and  not  a  genius  conftituted.  But  he  mufl  fay 
fomething  — Ke  has  therefore  mounted  in  the  air  like  a  balloon,  to 
draw  the  eyes  of  the  multitude  from  the  ground  they  ftand  upon. 

Much  IS  to  be  learned  from  the  French  conftitution.  Conqueft 
and  tyranny  tranfplanted  themlelves  with  William  the  Conqueror 
from  Normandy  into  England,  and  the  country  is  yet  disfigured  with 
the  marks.  May  then  the  example  ol  all  France  contribute  to  re- 
generate the  freedom  which  a  province  of  it  deftroyed ! 

The  French  conftitution  fays,  That  to  preferve  the  national  re- 
prefentation  from  being  corrupt,  no  member  of  the  National  Aflem- 
bly  fhaM  be  an  officer  of  the  government,  a  place- man,  or  a  penfion- 
er. — What  will  Mr.  Burke  place  againft  this  ?  I  will  whifper  his 
anfwer :  Loaves  and  FiJJies.  Ah  I  this  government  of  loaves  and 
fifl^es  has  more  tnifchiet  in  it  than  people  have  yet  reflefted  on. — 
The  National  Afiembly  has  made  the  difcovery,  and  it  holds  out 
the  example  to  the  world.  Had  governments  agreed  to  quarrel  on 
puipofe  to  fleece  their  countries  by  taxes,  they  could  not  have  fuc- 
ceeded  better  tlai  they  have  done. 

Many  things  in  the  Englifh  government  appear  to  me  the  reverfe 
of  what  they  ought  to  be,  and  what  they  are  faid  to  be.  The  par- 
liament, imperteftly  and  capricioufly  ele6ied  as  it  is,  is  neverthelefs 
Juppojed  to  hold  the  national  pur:'e  in  trujl  for  the  nation  ;  but  in  the 
manner  in  which  an  EngliOi  parliament  is  conftrufted,  it  is  like  a 
man  being  both  mortgager  and  mortgagee;  and  in  the  cafe  ot  mifap- 
plication  of  truft,  it  is  the  criminal  fitting  in  judgment  upon  himfeif. 


{    37   ) 

If  tbofe  who  vote  the  fupplies  are  the  fame  perfons  wlio  receive  the 
fiipilies  wiien  voted,  and  are  to  account  tor  the  expenditure  of  thofe 
lui;p)ies  to  thofe  who  voted  thein,  it  is  themjclvcs  accountable  to  them- 
Jelvcs,  and  the  Comedy  of  Errors  concludes  with  the  Pantomime  of 
Hush.  Neither  the  miniflerlal  party,  nor  the  oppofition,  will  touch 
upon  this  cafe.  The  national  purfe  is  the  common  hack  which  each 
mounts  upon.  It  is  like  what  the  country  people  call,  "  Ride  and 
tie— Yoi:  ride  a  little  way,  and  then  l."*--.They  order  tliefe  ihines 
better  in  France. 

The  Fiench  conftitution  fays,  that  the  right  of  war  and  peace  is 
m  the  nation.  Where  elfe  fhould  it  refide,  hut  in  thofe  who  are  to 
pay  the  ex  pence  ? 

In  England,  this  right  is  faid  to  refide  in  a  metaphor,  (hewn  at  the 
Tower  for  fix.penceorafhillingapiece;  fo  are  the  Jicns;  and  it 
would  he  a  Hep  nearer  to  reafon  to  fay  it  refided  in  them,  for  any  in- 
animate  metaphor  is  no  more  than  a  hat  or  a  cap.  We  can  all  fee  the 
ablurdity  of  worlhippinc^  Aarc^n's  molten  calf,  or  Nebuchadnezzar's 
golden  image  ;  but  why  do  men  continue  to  praBife  themlelves.  the 
ablurdines  they  dcfpife  in  others  ? 

^  It  may  with  reafon  be  faid,  that  in  the  manner  the  Englifh  nation 
IS  r.  prefemed.  it  fignifies  not  where  this  right  refides,  whether  iij  the 
crown  or  m  the  parliament.  War  is  the  common  harvea  of  all 
thofe  who  participate  in  the  divifion  and  expendiiuie  of  public  mo- 
ney,  n  a.l  countries.  It  is  the  art  of  conquering  at  home;  the  ob. 
jed  otitis  an  mcrcdfe  of  revenue;  and  as  revenue  cannot  be  in- 
c.ealed  without  taxes,  a  pretence  muft  be  made  for  expenditures.— 
In  leviewin^  the  h.ftory  of  the  EnghOi  government,  its  wars  and 
Its  taxes,  a  b\  ftander  not  blinded  by  prejudice,  or  warped  by  in- 
tereft  would  declare,  that  taxes  were  not  raifed.  to  carry  on  wars 
but  that  wars  were  railed  to  carry  on  taxes. 

Mr.  Burke,  as  a  member  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  is  a  part  of 
the  hnghfh  government;  and  though  he  profeifes  himfell  an  enemy 
to  war,  he  abufes  the  French  Conlt.tution.  which  feeks  to  explode 
It.  He  holds  up  the  Eng'ifh  governm.ent  as  a  model  in  all  its  parts, 
to  France;  but  he  fhould  fidl  know  the  remarks  which  the  French 
make  upon  it.  They  contend  in  favour  of  their  own,  that  the  por. 
tu,n  ot  liberty  enjoyed  in  England,  is  juft  enough  to  enflave  a  coun. 
try  by,  more  produaiveiy  than  by  defpotifm;  and,  that  as  the  real 

obje6l 

*  It  f»  a  praa'c-  io  fome  part*  of  the  co^ntrjr,  when  two  travellert 
have  hut  one  horfe,  which  like  the  national  purfe  will  »ot  car  7  double, 
that  the  one  niounta  ziA  rides  two  or  three  mile*  a-hearf,  and  then  ties 
the  horfe  to  a  gate,  and  walki  on.  When  the  fecoud  traveller  arrives, 
he  t3<e»  the  horfe,  rides  en,  and  pafTe*  his  ccmpanion  a  mile  or  two, 
aad  tie*  5gain  ;  and  fo  oa-^RIDE  and  TIE'. 


(  38  ) 

objeS  of  all  (lefpofifm  is  revenue,  a  government  fo  formed  obtains 
more  than  it  could  do  c'l  her  by  dire6l  defpotifm,  or  in  a  full  ftate  of 
freedom,  and  is  therefore,  on  the  qrrouiid  ot  interell,  oppo'ed  lo  both. 
Thev  account  alfo  for  the  readinefs  which  aUvays  appears  in  fuch 
governments  tor  eugHglng  in  wars,  bv  remarking  on  the  diffeient 
motives  which  produce  them.  In  defpotic  governments,  wars  are 
the  effect  of  pride ;  but  in  thofe  governments  in  which  they  become 
the  means  of  taxation,  they  acquire  thereby  a  more  permanent 
promptitude. 

The  French  Conftitution,  therefore,  to  provide  againfl  both  thefe 
evi'S,  has  taken  awav  the  power  of  declarmg  war  from  kings  and 
miniilers,  and  placed  the  right  where  the  expence  mull  fa'd. 

When  the  quellion  on  the  right  of  war  and  peace  was  agitating 
in  the  National  Alfembly,  tiie  people  of  England  appeared  to  be 
much  interefted  in  the  event,  and  highly  to  applaud  the  decifion. — 
A*^  a  principle,  it  applies  as  much  to  one  c^untiy  as  to  anoiher.— «• 
William  the  Conquerer,  as  a  conqw^^ror,  lu-lj  this  power  of  war  and 
peace  in  himfelf,  and  his  defcendants  have  ei'ey  fmce  claimed  it  un« 
iler  him  as  a  right. 

Although  Mr.  Burke  has  aflerted  the  right  of  the  parliament  at 
the  Revolution  to  bind  and  controul  the  nation  and  poflerity  for 
ever,  he  denies,  at  the  fame  time,  that  the  parliament  or  the  nation 
had  any  right  to  alter  what  he  calls  the  fuccefTion  of  the  crown,  in 
^ny  thing  but  in  part,  or  by  a  (ort  of  modification.  By  his  taking 
this  ground,  he  throws  the  cafe  back  to  the  Norman  Conquejl :  and 
by  thus  running  a  line  of  iucceflion  fpringing  from  William  the 
Conqueror  to  the  prefent  day,  he  makes  it  neceflary  to  enquire  who 
and  what  William  the  Conqueror  was,  and  where  he  came  from  ; 
and  into  the  origin,  hiftory,  and  nature  of  what  are  called  prero- 
gatives. Every  thing  muft  have  had  a  beginning,  and  the  fog  of 
time  and  antiquity  fliould  be  penetrated  to  difcover  it.  Let  then 
Mr.  Burke  bring  forward  his  William  of  Normandy,  for  it  is  to 
this  origin  that  his  argument  goes.  It  alfo  unfortunately  happens, 
in  running  this  line  of  fucceffion,  that  another  line,  parallel  thereto, 
prefents  itfelf,  which  rs,  that  if  the  fucceflion  runs  in  the  line  of  the 
conqueft,  the  nation  runs  in  the  line  of  being  conquered,  and  it 
ought  to  refcue  itfelf  from  this  reproach. 

But  it  will  perhaps  be  fuid,  that  though  the  power  of  declaring 
war  defcends  in  the  heritage  of  the  conqueft,  it  is  he'd  in  check  by 
the  right  of  the  parliament  to  with-hold  the  fuppplies.  It  will  al- 
wavs  happen,  when  a  thing  is  originally  wrong,  that  amendments 
do  not  make  it  right,  and  it  often  happens  that  they  do  asmuch  mif- 
chief  one  wav  as  good  the  other  .  and  fuch  is  the  cafe  here  ;  for  if 
•he  one  ralhfy  declares  war  as  a  matter  of  right,  and  the  other  pe- 
remptorily 


(   39   ) 

r-cmptorily  withholds  the  fupplies  as  a  matter  of  righf,  the  remedy 
becomes  as  bad  or  vvorfe  ihan  the  difeafe.  The  une  torccs  \he  na- 
tion to  a  combat,  and  tlje  other  tie  its  liands :  But  the  more  proba- 
ble iffue  is,  that  the  conteil  willend  in  a  conclufion  between  ihii  par- 
ties, and  be  made  a  fcreen  to  boih. 

On  thisqueftion  of  war,  three  things  are  to  be  confidered.  Firft, 
the  right  ot  declaring  it :  Secondly,  the  expence  of  fupnoning  it: 
Thirdly  the  mode  ot  conducing  it  after  it  is  declared.  The  French 
conftitution  places  the  r?^/2/ where  the  <'a;^<?«c<?  muft  fall,  and  this 
union  can  be  only  in  the  nation.  The  mode  of  condutling  it  alter 
it  is  declared,  it  configns  to  the  executive  department — Were  this 
the  cafe  in  all  countries,  we  fhould  hear  but  little  more  ot  wai^. 

Before  I  proceed  to  confider  other  parts  of  the  French  conllituti- 
on,  and  by  way  relieving  the  iaiigue  of  argument,  I  will  introduce 
an  anecdote  which  I  had  from  Dr.   Franklin — 

While  the  Doctor  refided  in  Fiance  as  mniiHer  from  America 
during  the  war,  he  had  numerous  proposals  made  to  him  by  pro- 
jeftors  of  every  country,  and  of  every  kind,  who  wiQied  to  go  to 
the  land  that  floweth  with  milk  and  honey,  America;  and  among 
the  reft,  there  was  one  who  offered  himfelf  to  be  King.  He 
introduced  his  propofal  to  the  Do6tor  by  letter,  which  is  now  in 
the  hands  of  M.  Beaumarchais,  of  Paris,  flatmg,  firft  that  the  Ame- 
ricans  had  difmilFed  or  fent  away*  their  king,  (hat  they  would  want 
another.  Secondly,  that  himfelf  was  a  Norman.  Thiidly,  that  he 
was  of  a  more  ancient  family  than  the  Dukes  of  Normandy,  and  of 
a  more  honourable  defcent,  his  line  having  never  been  baiiardized. 
Fourthly,  that  there  was  already  a  precedent  in  England,  of  Kings 
coming  out  of  Normandy  :  and  on  thefe  groutids  he  relied  his  of- 
fer, enjoining  that  the  Doftor  would  forward  it  to  America.  Btrt 
as  the  Doftor  neither  did  this,  nor  yet  fent  him  an  anfwer,  the 
projeftor  wrote  a  fecond  letter  ;  in  which  he  did  not,  it  is  true, 
threaten  to  go  over  and  conquer  America,  but  only,  with  great  dignity, 
propofed,  that  if  his  offer  was  not  accepted,  an  acknowledgment 
of  about  £q^q,ooo  might  be  made  to  him  for  his  generofity  !  Nov/, 
as  all  arguments  refpefcfing  fucceffion  mufi:  neceffarily  connect  that 
fuccefiion  with  fome  beginning,  Mr.  Burke's  arguments  on  this 
fubjefcf  go  to  fhew,  that  there  is  no  Englifh  origin  of  Kings,  and 
that  they  are  defcendants  of  the  Norman  line  in  right  of  the  cou- 
queft.  It  may  therefore,  be  of  fervice  to  his  do6h"ine  to  make  this 
flory  kncnvn,  and  to  inform  him,  that  in  cafe  of  that  natural  extinc- 
tion to  which  all  m.ortality  is  fuhjecf,  kings  may  again  he  had  from 
Normandy,  on  more  reafonable  terms  than\VilliamthcCcnqi:crcr  ; 
and  confequently,  that  the  good  pteople  of  England,  at  the  Pvcvolu- 

tios 
*  The  word  he  ufcd  was  renvo;ej  dirmiil:jd  or  f?nt  i^wzy. 


(    4»   ) 

tion  of  168B  might  have  done,  muck  bdUr^  had  fuch  a  generous  Nor- 
man  as  this  known  tknr  wan's,  and  they  had  known  his.  The  chi- 
valry chara6Ur  whicij  Mr.  Burke  fo  much  admires,  is  certainly 
much  eafier  to  make  a  bargain  with  than  a  hard-dealing  Dutchman. 
But,   to  return  to  the  matters  of  the  confliiution — 

The  French  conrtiiution  fays,  There  Jhad  be  no  titles  \  and  of 
confequence,  all  that  chfs  o\  equivocal  generation,  which  in  fom2 
countries  is  called  "  arijlocracy,"  and  in  others  "  nobility ^^  is  dene 
away,  and  \\\e. petr  \?,  exalted  into  Man. 

Titles  are  but  nick-names,  and  every  nick-name  is  a  title.  The 
thing  is  perte6lly  hartTilefs  in  itfelf,  but  it  marks  a  f  )rt  of  foppery 
in  the  human  character  which  degrades  it.  It  reduces  man  into  the 
diminutive  of  raaji  in  things  which  are  grea;,  and  the  counterfeit  of 
women  in  things  which  are  litiie.  It  ta'ks  about  its  fine  blue  ribbon 
like  a  girl,  and  fhews  its  new  garter  like  a  child.  A  certain  writer 
of  Tome  antiquity,  fays,  "  When  I  was  a  child,  I  thought  as  a  child; 
*'  but  when  I  became  a  mati,  I  put  away  childifh  things." 

It  is,  propel  ly,  from  the  elevated  mind  of  France,  that  the  folly 
of  titles  has  iallen.  It  has  out-grown  the  baby -clothes  of  Count  and 
Duke^diUil  breeched  itfelf  in  manhood.  Francehas  not  levelled;  it  has 
exalted.  It  has  putdc.wnihe  dwarf,  to  fet  up  the  man.  Thepunyifrn 
of  a  lenfelefsword  like  Duke^  or  Count  or  Earl  has  ceafed  to  p^eafe. 
F-ven  thole  who  pcifelTed  them  have  difowned  the  gibber  ifh,  and  as^ 
they  out-grew  the  rickets,  have  defpifed  the  rattle.  The  genuine 
mind  of  man  thirfling  for  its  native  home,  fociety,  contemns  the 
gewgaws  that  feparate  him  fiom  it.  Titles  are  like  circks  drawn  by 
the  magician's  wand,  to  coniraft  the  fphere  ot  man's  felicity.  He 
lives  immured  within  the  Baltille  of  a  word,  and  furveys  at  a  dif- 
tance  the  envied  liie  of  man. 

Is  it  then  any  wonder  that  titles  fhould  fall  in  France  r  Is  it  not 
a  greater  one  they  Ihould  be  kept  up  any  where  ?  What  are  they  ? 
What  is  their  worth,  and  "what  is  their  amount  r"  When  we 
think  or  Ipeak  of  a  Judge  or  a  General,  weaifociate  with  it  the  ideas 
oi  office  and  character  ;  we  think  of  gravity  in  the  one,  and  bravery 
in  the  other  :  but  when  we  ufc  a  word  merely  as  a  title,  no  ideas 
aiFociate  with  it.  Through  z\\  the  vocabulary  of  Adam,  there  is  not 
fuch  an  animal  as  a  Duke  or  a  Count  ;  neither  can  we  conneft  a- 
ny  certain  idea  with  the  words.  Whether  they  mean  ftrength  or 
weaknefs,  wifdom  or  folly,  a  child  or  a  man,  or  the  rider  or  the 
horfe,  is  all  equivocal.  What  refpeft  then  can  be  paid  to  that 
which  defcribes  nothing,  and  which  means  nothing  ?  Imagination 
has  given  figure  and  chara61er  to  centaurs,  fatyrs,  and  down  to  alt 
the  fairy  tribe  ;  but  titles  bafHe  even  the  powers  of  fi^ncy,  and  arc 
a  chiincrical  non-defcript- 

But 


'(   41    ) 

Bat  this  is  not  all. — If  a  whole  country  is  dirporecl  to  hold  them  iii 
coniempt,  all  their  value  is  gone,  tind  none  will  own  them.  It  is 
common  opinion  only  that  makes  them  any  thing  or  nothing,  or 
worfe  than  nothing.  There  is  no  occafion  to  take  titles  away,  for 
they  take  themfeives  away  when  fbciety  concurs  to  ridicule  them. — 
Tliis  fpecies  oi  imaginary  confequence  has  vifibly  declined  in  every 
part  ol  Europe,  and  it  ha  (lens  to  its  exit  as  the  world  of  reafon  con- 
tinues to  rife.  There  was  a  time  when  the  lowcit  clafs  of  what  are 
called  nobility  was  more  thought  of  than  the  highell  is  now,  and 
when  a  man  in  armour  riding  throughout  Chriftendom  in  queft  ot 
adventures  was  more  flared  at  than  a  modern  Duke,  The  world 
has  feen  this  Folly  fall,  and  it  has  fallen  by  being  laughed  at,  atid  th« 
farce  of  titles  will  follow  its  fate.  The  patriots  o{  France  have  dif- 
covered  in  good  time,  that  rank  and  dignity  in  fociety  mull  take  a 
new  ground.  The  old  one  has  fallen  through.  It  muil  now  take 
the  fubftantial  ground  of  charafter,  inflead  of  the  chimerical  ground 
of  titles;  and  they  have  brought  their  titles  to  the  altar,  and  made 
of  them  a  burnl-ofFering  to  reafon. 

If  no  mifchief  had  annexed  itfelf  to  the  folly  of  titles,  they  would 
not  have  been  worth  a  ferious  and  formal  de(ltu6fion,  fuch  as  the 
National  AiTemblv  have  decreed  them ;  and  this  makes  it  neceflary 
to  enquire  farther  into  the  nature  and  charafter  of  ariftocracy. 

That,  then,  which  is  cal:ed  ariftocracy  in  fome  countries,  and  no- 
bility in  others,  arofe  out  of  the  governments  founded  upon  con- 
quell.  It  was  originally  a  military  order  for  the  purpofe  of  fupport- 
ing  military  government,  (for  fuch  were  all  governments  founded 
in  conqueft)  and  to  keep  up  fuccefhon  of  this  order  for  the  purpofe 
for  which  it  was  eftabliiTied,  all  the  younger  branches  oi  tliofe  fa- 
milies were  difinherited,  and  the  law  of  pnmogenitiirefJiip  fet  up. 

The  nature  and  chara61er  of  ariftocracy  fliews  itfelt  to  us  in  this 
laW;  It  is  a  law  againft  every  law  of  nature,  and  Nature  herfelF 
calls  for  its  deftru6fion.  Eftablifh  family  juflice,  and  ariftocracy 
falls.  By  the  ariftocratical  law  of  primogenitureftiip,  in  a  family  of 
fix  children,  five  are  expolcd. — Ariftocracy  has  never  more  than 
one  child.  The  reft  are  begotten  to  be  devoured.  They  are  thrown 
to  the  cannibal  for  prey,  and  the  natural  parent  prepares  the  unna- 
tural repaft. 

As  every  thing  whicli  is  out  of  nature  in  man,  aftetls,  more  or 
lels,  the  intereft  of  fociety,  lo  does  this.  All  the  children  whicli 
the  ariftocracy  difowns  (which  are  all  except  the  eldcft)  are  m  ge- 
neral, caft  like  orphans  on  apariHi,  to  be  provided  for  by  the  public, 
but  at  a  greater  charge.  Unneceftary  oftices  and  places  in  govern- 
ments and  courts  are  created  at  the  expence  of  the  public,  to  main- 
tain them, 

F  With 


( 4^  y 

With  what  kind  of  parental  reflexions  can  the  father  or  mothet 
contemplate  their  youiiger  offspring.  By  nature  they  are  children, 
and  by  marriage  they  are  heirs ;  but  by  ariflocracy  they  are  baftards 
and  orphans.  They  are  the  flefh  and  blood  of  their  parents  in  one 
line,  and  nothing  a-kin  to  them  in  the  other.  To  reftoie,  theretore, 
parents  to  their  children,  and  children  to  their  parents — relations  to 
each  other,  and  man  to  fociety — and  to  exterminate  the  monfler 
Ariftocracy,  root  and  branch — the  French  conftiiution  hasdcftroy- 
ed  the  law  of  Primogenitureshif.  Here  then  lies  the  mon- 
iler ;  and  Mr.  Burke,  it  he  pleafes,  may  write  its  epitaph. 

Hitherto  we  have  confidered  ariftocracy  chiefly  in  one  point  of 
view.  We  have  now  to  confider  it  in  another.  But  whether  we 
view  it  before  or  behind,  or  fide-ways,  or  any  way  elfe,  domeflically 
or  publicly,  it  is  fliU  a  monfter. 

In  France,  ariftocracy  had  one  feature  lefs  in  its  countenance 
than  what  it  has  in  fome  other  countries.  It  did  not  compofe  a 
body  of  hereditary  legiflators.  It  was  not  "  a  corporation  of  ari~ 
Jlocracy^'  for  fuch  I  have  heard  M.  de  la  Fayette  defcribe  an  Englifh 
Houfe  of  Peers.  Let  us  then  examine  the  grounds  upon  which  the 
French  conftitution  has  refolved  againft  having  fuch  an  Houfe  in 
France. 

Becaufe,  in  the  firft  place,  as  is  already  mentioned,  ariflocracy  is 
kept  up  by  family  tyranny  and  injuftice. 

Secondly,  Becaufe  there  is  an  unnatural  unfitnefs  in  an  ariftocra- 
cy  to  be  legiflators  for  a  nation.  Their  ideas  of  dijlributive  jujiice 
are  corrupted  at  their  very  fourcc.  They  begin  life  by  trampling 
^  on  all  their  younger  brothers  and  fifters,  and  relations  of  every  kind, 
and  are  taught  and  educated  fo  to  do.  With  what  ideas  of  juftice 
or  honour  can  that  man  enter  an  houfe  of  legiflation,  who  abforbs  in 
his  own  perfon  the  inheritance  of  a  whole  family  of  children,  or 
doles  out  to  them  fome  pitiful  portion  with  the  infolence  of  a  gift? 

Thirdly,  Becaufe  the  idea  of  hereditary  legiflators  is  as  incon- 
fiftent  as  that  of  hereditary  judges,  or  hereditary  juries  ;  and  as  ab- 
furd  as  an  hereditary  mathematician,  or  an  hereditary  wife  man ; 
and  as  ridiculous  as  an  hereditary  poet-laureat. 

Fourth'y,  Becaufe  a  body  of  men  holding  themfelves  accountable 
to  nobody,  ought  not  to  be  trufled  by  anybody. 

Fifthly,  Becaufe  it  is  continuing  the  uncivilized  principle  of  go- 
vernments founded  in  conqueft,  and  the  bafe  idea  of  man  having 
property  in  man,  and  governing  him  by  perfonal  right. 

Sixthly,  Becaufe  ariftocracy  has  a  tendency  to  degenerate  the  hu- 
ftian  fpecies.  By  the  univerfal  ceconomy  of  nature  it  is  known, 
and  by  the  inflance  of  the  Jews  it  is  proved,  that  the  human  fpecies 
has  a  tendency  to  degenerate,  in  any  fmali  number  of  perfons,  vfhen 

feparateel 


(   43    ) 

leparated  from  the  general  ftock  of  foclety,  and  intermarrying  con« 
i^antly  with  each  other.  It  defeats  even  its  pretended  end,  and  be- 
comes in  time  th^  oppofite  of  what  is  noble  in  man.  Mr,  Burke 
talks  of  nobility  ;  let  him  fhew  what  it  is.  The  greateft  charafters 
the  world  has  known,  have  rifen  on  the  democratic  floor.  Arifto- 
cracy  has  not  been  able  to  keep  a  proportionate  pace  with  democracy. 
The  artificial  noble  fhrinks  into  a  dwarf  before  the  noble  of 
Nature;  and  in  a  few  inftances  of  thofe  (for  there  are  Tome  in  alt 
countries)  in  whom  nature,  as  by  a  miracle,  has  furvived  in  arifto- 

cracy,  those  men  despise  it. But  it  is  time  to  proceed  to 

a  nevi^  fubjeft. 

The  French  conftitutlon  has  reformed  the  condition  of  the  cler- 
gy. It  has  raifed  the  income  of  the  lower  and  mid^Ile  claffes,  and 
taken  from  the  higher.  None  is  now  lefs  than  twelve  hundred  li- 
vres  (fifty  pounds  flerling)  nor  anv  higher  than  about  two  or  three 
thoufand  pounds.  What  will  Mr.  Burke  place  againft  this  ?  Hear 
what  he  fays. 

He  fays,  "  That  the  people  of  England  can  fee  without  pain 
"  or  grudging,  an  archbifhop  precede  a  duke  ;  they  can  fee  a  bi- 
"  fhop  of  Durham,  or  a  bifhop  of  Wincheffer,  in  polfefTion  of 
*'  /'lOjOoo  a-year  ;  and  cannot  lee  why  it  is  in  worfe  hands  than 
**  eflates  to  the  like  amount  in  the  hands  of  this  earl  or  that  'Iquire." 
And  Mr.  Burke  offers  this  as  an  example  to  France. 

As  to  the  firfl  part,  whether  the  archbilhop  precedes  the  duke, 
or  the  duke  the  bifhop,  it  is,  I  believe,  to  the  people  in  general^ 
fomewhat  like  Sternhold  and  Hopkins^  or  Hopkins  and  Sternhold, 
you  may  put  which  you  pleafe  firft  :  and  as  I  confefs  that  I  do  not 
underlland  the  merits  ot  this  cafe,  I  will  not  contend  it  with  Mr. 
Burke. 

But  with  refpeft  to  the  latter,  I  have  fomething  to  fay.  Mr. 
Burke  has  not  put  the  cafe  right.  The  comparifon  is  out  ol  order 
by  being  put  between  the  bifhop  and  the  earl  or  the  'fquire.  It 
ought  to  be  put  between  the  bifnop  and  the  curate,  and  then  it 
will  fland  thus ;  The  people  of  England  can  fee  without  pain  or  grudg- 
ing^ a  biJJiop  of  Durham,  or  a  bifiop  of  Winchefier,  in  pff^Jjion  of 
ttn  thoufand  pounds  a-year^  and  a  curate  on  thirty  or  jorty  pounds 
a-year  or  lefs.  No,  Sir,  they  certainly  do  not  lee  thofe  things  with- 
out great  pain  or  grudging.  It  is  a  cafe  that  applies  itfeJf  to  every 
man's  fenfe  of  juftice,  and  is  one  among  many  th^t  calls  aloud  for 
a  conftitutlon. 

In  France,  the  cry  of  "  the  church  !  the  church  /"  was  repeated 
as  often  as  in  Mr.  Burke's  book,  and  as  loudly  as  when  the  diffen- 
ters'  bill  was  before  the  Englifh  parliament  :  but  the  generality  of 
the  French  clergy  were  not  lo  be  deceived  by  this  cry   any  longer. 

They 


(    44   ) 

'They  knew,  that  whatever  the  pretence  might  be,  it  was  them- 
felves  who  weieone  ot  the  principal  obje6ts  of  it.  It  was  the  cry 
ct  the  high  benehced  clergy,  to  prevent  any  regulation  ot  income 
taking  place  betwf  en  thole  of  ten  thoufand  pounds  a  year  and  the 
parifh  prieft.  They,  therefore,  joined  their  cafe  to  thole  of  every 
other  opprelfed  clals  of  men,  and  by  this  union   obtained  redrefs. 

The  French  conftitution  has  abolifbed  tythes,  that  fource  of  per- 
petual difcontent  between  the  tythe-holder  and  the  parifhioner. 
When  land  is  held  on  tythe,  it  is  in  the  condition  of  an  eftate  held 
between  two  parties;  the  one  receiving  one  tenth,  and  the  other 
nine  tenths  of  the  produce;  and,  confequently,  on  principles  of 
equity,  if  the  eftate  can  be  improved,  and  made  to  produce  by  that 
improvement  douole  or  treble  what  it  did  beto'-e,  or  in  any  other 
ratio,  the  expence  of  fuch  improvement  ought  to  be  borne  in  like 
proportion  between  the  parties  who  are  to  fhaie  the  produce.  But 
this  is  not  the  cafe  in  tythes;  the  farmer  bears  the  whole  expence 
and  the  tythe-holder  takes  a  tenth  of  the  improvement,  in  addition 
to  the  original  tenth,  and  by  this  means  gets  the  value  of  two-tenths 
inftead  of  one.     This  is  another  cafe  that  calls  for  a  conftitution: 

The  French  conftitution  ha'h  abolifhed  or  renounced  Toleration, 
and  Intolerance  alfo,  and  hath  eftablifhed  Universal  Right  of 
Conscience. 

Toleration  is  not  the  oppofiU  of  Intolerance,  but  is  the  Counter- 
flic  of  it.  Both  aredefpotifms.  The  oneafTumesto  itfelf  the  right 
of  with-holding  Liberty  of  Confcience,  and  the  other  of  granting  it. 
The  one  is  the  pope,  arnicd  with  fire  and  faggot,  and  the  other  is 
the  pope  felling  or  grantmg  indulgences.  The  former  is  churcli 
and  ftate,  and  the  latter  is    church  and  traffic. 

But  toleration  may  be  viewed  in  a  much  ftronger  light.  Man 
\vorfl»ips  nothimfe'f,  but  his  Maker:  and  the  liberty  of  confcience 
xvhich  he  clalm.s,  is  not  for  the  fervice  ot  himfelf,  but  of  his  God. 
In  this  cafe,  therefore,  we  muft  necelTarily  have  the  affociated  idea 
of  two  beings;  \\\q  mortal  yiho  renders  the  worfliip,  and  the  Im- 
mortal Being  who  is  worfhipped  Toleration,  therefore,  places 
itfeif,  not  between  man  and  man,  nor  between  chuich  and  church, 
nor  between  one  denomination  of  religion  and  another,  but  be- 
tween God  and  man  ;  between  the  being  who  worfhips,  and  the 
Being  who  is  worfhipped:  and  by  the  fame  aft  of  alfumed  autho- 
rity by  which  it  tolerates  man  to  pay  his  worlhip,  it  prelumptuoufly 
and  plafphemouHy  lets  itfelf  up  to  tolerate  the  Almighty  to  re- 
ceive it. 

Were  a  bill  brought  into  any  parliament,  entitled  '*  An  ACT  to 
V  tolerate  or  grant  liberty  to  ihe  Almighty  to  receive  the  worfhip  of 
Va  Jew  or  a  Turk,"  or   "  to  prohibit  the  Almighty  from  receiving 

it:" 


(    45    )         . 

it;*'  att  men  v/ould  ftanle,  and  call  It  blafphcmy.  There  would  be 
an  uproar.  The  prefiunption  of  toleration  in  religious  matters 
would  then  prefent  hiell  unmafked:  but  the  preiumption  is  not  the 
lefs  becaufe  the  name  oF  *•  Man"  only  appears  to  thofe  laws,  for 
the  aflbciated  idea  of  the  worjliipper  and  the  ziwrjliipped  cannot  be 
feparated. — Who,  then,  are  thou,  vain  duft  and  afhes !  by  what- 
ever name  thou  art  called,  whether  a  King,  a  Biihop,  a  Church  or 
a  Stale,  a  parliament  or  any  thing  elfe,  that  obtrudell  thine  infig- 
nificance  between  the  foul  of  man  and  its  Maker  ?  Mind  iliine  own 
concerns.  If  he  believes  not  as  thou  believeft,  it  is  a  proof  that 
thou  believefl  not  as  he  believeth,  and  there  is  no  earthly  power  can 
determine  between  you. 

With  refpeft  to  what  are  called  denominations  of  religion,  if 
every  one  is  left  to  judge  of  his  own  religion,  there  is  no  fuch  thing 
as  a  religion  that  is  :vrong  ;  but  if  they  are  to  judge  of  each  others 
religion,  there  is  no  fuch  thing  as  a  religion  that  is  right ;  and 
therefore,  all  the  world  is  right,  or  all  the  world  is  wrong.  But  with 
refpea  to  religion  itfelf,  without  regard  to  names,  and  as  direfting 
itfelf  from  the  univerfal  family  of  mankind  to  the  Divine  objeft  of 
all  adoration  it  is ,7nan  bringing  to  his  Maker  the j'lidts  of  Jas  heart  \ 
and  though  thofe  fruits  may  differ  from  each  other  like  the  fruits 
of  the  earth,  the  grateful  tribute  of  every  one  is  accepted. 

A  Bifhop  of  Durham,  or  a  Bifhop  of  Wincheiier,  or  the  Arch- 
bifliop  who  heads  ihe  Dukes,  will  not  relufe  a  tythe-fheaf  oi  wheat, 
becaufe  it  is  not  a  cock  of  hay  ;  nor  a  cock  of  hay,  becaufe  it  is  not  a 
Iheaf  of  wheat;  nor  a  pig,  becaufe  it  is  neither  one  nor  the  other; 
but  thefe  fame  perfons,  under  the  figure  of  an  eflablifhed  church, 
will  not  permit  their  Maker  to  receive  the  varied  tythes  of  man's  de- 
votion. 

One  of  the  continual  chorufes  of  Mr.  Burke's  book  is,  *'  Church 
and  State  :"  He  does  not  mean  fome  one  particular  church,  or  fome 
one  particular  flate,  but  any  church  and  ifate;  and  he  ufes  the  term 
as  a  general  figure  to  hold  forth  the  political  doftrine  of  always 
uniting  the  church  with  the  flate  in  every  country,  and  he  cenfures 
the  National  AfTembly  for  not  having  done  this  iii  France.  Lcl  v.^ 
beftow  a  few  thoughts  on  this  fubjeft. 

All  religions  are  in  their  nature  kind  and  benign,  and  united  with 
principles  of  morality.  They  could  not  have  made  prcfelytcs  at 
firfl,  by  profeffing  any  thing  that  was  vicious,  cruel,  perfecuring,  or 
immoral.  Like  every  thing  elfe,  they  had  their  beginning  ;  and 
ihey  proceeded  by  perfuafion,  exhortation,  and  example.  How 
then  is  it  that  they  lofe  their  native  mildnefs,  and  become  inorofe 
and  intolerant  ? 

It  proceeds  ircm  the  connexion  which  Mr.  Burke    recorr.mends. 

By 


(    46    ) 

By  engendering  the  church  with  the  ftate,  a  fort  of  mule  animal, 
capable  only  of  deftroying,  and  not  of  breeding  up,  is  produced, 
called  The  Church  cjlabliflvid  by  Law.  It  is  a  ftranger  even  from 
its  birth,  to  any  parent  mother  on  which  it  is  begotten,  and  whom 
in  time  it  kicks  out  and  deftroys. 

The  inquifition  in  Spain  does  not  proceed  from  the  religion  ori- 
ginally profefled,  but  from  this  mule  animal,  engendered  between 
the  church  and  the  flate.  The  burnings  in  Smithfield  proceeded 
from  the  fame  heterogenous  produftion  ;  and  it  was  the  regenerati- 
on of  this  flrange  animal  in  England  afterwards,  that  renewed  ran- 
cour and  irreligion  among  the  inhabitants,  and  that  drove  the  people 
called  Quakers  and  Diflenters  to  America.  Perfecution  is  not  an 
original  feature  in  any  religion  ;  but  it  is  always  the  ffrongly-mark- 
ed  feature  of  all  law-religions,  or  religions  eftablifhed  bv  law. 
Take  away  the  law-eftablifliment,  and  every  religion  re-afTumes  its 
original  benignity.  In  America,  a  Catholic  Priell  is  a  good  citizen, 
a  good  charatler,  and  a  good  neighbour;  an  Epifcopalian  Minifter 
isofthe  fame  defcription  :  and  this  proceeds,  independently  of  the 
men,  from  there  being  no  law  eftablifhment  in  America. 

If  alfo  we  view  this  matter  in  a  temporal  fenfe,  we  fliall  fee  the 
ill  effefcis  it  has  had  on  the  profperity  o\  nations.  The  union  of 
church  and  ftate  has  impoverifhed  Spain.  The  revoking  the  edi£l 
of  Nantz  drove  the  filk  manufafturefrom  France  into  England;  and 
church  and  ftate  are  now  driving  the  cotton  manufafture  from  ting- 
land  to  America  and  France.  Let  Mr.  Burke  continue  to  preach 
his  anti-political  doftrine  of  Church  and  State.  It  will  do  fome 
good.  The  National  Aflembly  will  not  follow  his  advice,  but  will 
benefit  by  his  folly.  It  was  by  obferving  the  ill  effefts  of  it  in  Eng- 
land, that  America  has  been  warned  againft  it ;  and  it  is  by  expe- 
riencing  them  in  France,  that  the  National  Aflembly  have  abolilhed 
it,  and,  like  America,  have  eftablifhed   universal   right    of 

CONSCIENCE,    AND  UNIVERSAL  RIGHT    OF     CITIZENSHIP.* 

I  will 

♦  When  in  any  country  we  fee  extraordinary  circumftance*  taking 
place,  they  naturally  lead  any  man  who  has  a  talent  for  obfe  vition 
and  inveftigation,  to  enquire  into  the  caufes;  The  manufaduret  of 
Mancherter,  Binningham,  and  Sheffield,  are  the  principal  manufaauics 
in  England.  From  whence  did  this  arife  ?  A  little  obfe'vation  will 
explain  the  cafe.  The  principal,  and  the  generality  of  the  inhabitant* 
of  thofe  places,  are  not  of  what  is  railed  in  England,  the  church  efla- 
bliilied  by  law  ;  and  they,  or  their  faihers,  (for  it  is  within  but  a  few 
years,)  withdrew  from  the  perfecution  of  the  chartered  towns,  where 
Teft-lawi  more  particiilarly  operate,  and  eftabliJhed  a  fort  of  afylura  for 
then-felvcs  in  thcfe  places.  It  was  the  only  afylum  that  then  offered, 
for  the  :cH  of  Europe   was  worfe.     But  the  cafe   i«  new  changing. 

France 


(    47   J 

1  will  here  ceafe  the  comparifon  wlih  refpeQ  to  the  principles 
of  the  French  Conftitution,  and  conclude  this  part  oi  the  fubjeft 
with  a  tew  obfervations  on  the  organization  of  the  foimal  parts  of 
the  French  and  Englifli  governments. 

The  executive  power  in  each  country  is  in  the  hands  of  a  perfon 
fliled,  the  King  :  but  the  French  conftitution  diflinguifhes  between 
the  King  and  the  Sovereign:  It  confiders  the  ftation  of  King  as 
official  and  places  Sovereignty  in  the  nation. 

The  reprefentatives  of  the  nation,  who  compofe  the  National  Af- 
femb'y,  and  who  are  the  legiflative  power,  originate  in  and  from 
the  people  by  eleftion,  as  an  inherent  right  in  the  people.  In 
England  it  is  otherwile  ;  and  this  arifes  from  the  original  eftablifh- 
ment  of  what  is  called  its  monarchy  ;  for,  as  by  the  conquefl  all  the 
rights  of  the  people  or  the  nation  were  abforbed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Conqueror,  and  who  added  the  title  of  King  to  that  of  Con- 
queror, thofe  fame  matters  which  in  France  are  now  held  as  righis 
in  the  people,  or  in  the  nation,  are  held  in  England  as  grants 
from  what  is  called  the  Crown.  The  Parliament  in  England, 
in  both  its  branches,  was  erefled  by  patents  fiom  the  defcendants 
of  the  Conqueror.  The  Houfe  ot  Commons  did  not  originate  as 
a  matter  of  right  in  the  people  to  delegate  or  ek61,  but  as  a  grant 
or  boon. 

By 

France  and  America  bid  all  comers  welcome,  and  initiate  them  into 
all  (he  rights  of  citizenfhip.  Policy  aud  interefi,  therefore,  will,  but 
perhaps  too  late,  didate  io  England,  what  reafon  and  juftice  could  not, 
Thofe  manufactures  are  withdrawing,  and  are  arifing  in  other  places. 
Theie  is  now  ceding  at  P.'dey,  three  miles  from  Paris,  a  large  cottoo 
mill,  and  feveral  are  already  cred^ed  in  America.  Soon  after  the  re- 
jecting the  Bill  for  repealing  the  Teft-law,  one  of  the  richeft  raanufaftu- 
rers  in  England  faid  in  my  hea  ing,  **  England,  Sir,  is  not  a  couotrjr 
for  a  difienter  to  live  in— we  rauft  go  to  France,"  Thefe  are  truths, 
and  it  is  doing  juftice  to  both  parties  to  tell  them.  It  is  chiefly  the 
diffentcrs  who  have  carried  Englifh  manufaflures  to  the  height  they  are 
BOW  at,  and  the  fame  men  have  it  in  their  power  to  cany  them  away  ; 
and  though  thofe  raanut  -dures  will  afterwards  continue  to  be  made  'n 
thofe  places,  the  foreign  market  will  be  loft.  There  are  frequently  ap- 
pearing in  the  London  Gazette,  cxtra^ls  from  certain  a^s  to  prevent 
machines  and  perfons,  as  far  as  it  can  extend  to  perfons,  from  going 
out  of  the  country.  It  appears  from  thefc,  that  the  ill  effefts  of  the 
Teft-laws  and  Church-eftabliftiment  begin  to  be  much  fufpefled  ;  but 
the  remedy  of  force  can  never  fupply  ihe  remedy  of  reafon.  In  the 
progrefi  of  lefs  than  a  century,  all  the  ucreprefemed  part  of  England, 
of  all  denGminations,  which  is  atleaft  a  hundred  times  ;he  moft  numer- 
ous, may  begin  to  feel  the  neceiiity  of  a  conftitution,  and  then  all 
t)joI«  raattcri  will  come  regularly  before  them. 


(   48    ) 

By  the  French  conflitiiuon,  the  nation  Is  always  named  before 
tl>e  King.  The  third  article  otthe  declaration  of  rights  fays,  "  The 
na'.tcn  is  cjfcntially  Lhc  /hurce  (or  fountain)  ofailfovereignty.'*  Mr. 
Burke  argues,  tiiat,  in  Enoland,  a  King  is  the  fountain — that  he  is 
the  fountain  of  all  honour.  But  as  the  idea  is  evidently  defcended 
from  the  connuell,  I  Ihall  make  no  other  remark  upon  it  than  that 
it  is  the  nature  of  conqueft  to  turn  every  thing  upfide  down;  and  as 
Mr.  Burke  will  not  be  refufed  the  privilege  of  fpeaking  twice,  and 
as  there  is  but  two  parts  in  the  figure,  i\\t fountain  and  the  fpout 
he  will  be  rig'it  the  fecond  time. 

The  Fiencli  conilitution  puts  ihe  legiHative  before  the  executive  ; 
the  Law  before  the  King  ;  La  Loi,  Le  Roi.  This  alio  is  in  the  na- 
tural order  of  things ;  becaule  lav/s  muft  have  exiflence,  before 
they  can  have  execution. 

A  King  in  France  does  not,  in  addreffing  himfell  to  the  National 
Affembl)-,  fay,  *'  My  affembly,"  fimilar  to  the  phrafe  ufed  in  Entr- 
land  of  '*  my  Parliament ;"  neither  can  he  ufe  it  confiftently  with 
the  conftitution,  nor  could  it  be  admitted.  There  may  be  proprie- 
ty in  the  ufe  of  it  in  England,  becaufe,  as  is  before  mentioned, 
both  Houles  of  ParHament  originated  from  what  is  called  the  Crown, 
by  patent  or  boon — and  not  from  the  inherent  rights  of  the  People, 
as  the  National  Affembly  does  in  France,  and  whofe  name  defig- 
nates  its  orii^in. 

The  Prefident  of  the  National  AlTembly  does  not  afk  the  King 
to  grant  to  tlie  AJJ'dmbly  liberty  of  Speech,  as  is  the  cafe  with  the 
Engliih  Houfe  of  Commons.  The  Conftitutional  dignity  of  the 
National  AITembly  cannot  debafe  itfelf.  Speech  is,  in  the  firft 
place,  one  of  the  natural  rights  of  man  always  retained;  and  with 
refpeft  to  the  National  Affembly,  the  ufe  of  it  is  their  duty,  and  the 
nation  is  tlieir  authority.  They  were  elefted  by  the  greatefl  body 
of  men  exercifing  the  right  ofcletfion  the  European  world  ever  faw. 
They  fprung  not  from  the  filth  of  rotten  boroughs,  nor  are  they  the 
vaffai  reprefentatives  of  ariflocratical  ones.  Feeling  the  proper  dig- 
nity of  their  charafter,  they  fupport  it.  Their  parliamentary  lan- 
guage, whether  for  or  againff  a  queflion,  is  free,  bold  and  manly, 
and  extends  to  all  the  parts  and  circumftances  of  the  cafe.  If  any 
matter  or  fubje61:  lefpefting  the  executive  department,  or  theperfon 
who  prefides  in  it,  (the  King,)  comes  before  them,  it  is  debated  on 
with  the  fpirit  of  men,  and  the  language  of  gentlemen  ;  and  tfieir 
anfwer,  or  their  addrefs,  is  returned  in  the  fame  flile.  They  ftand 
jiotaloof  with  the  gaping  vacuity  of  vulgar  ignorance,  nor  bend  with 
the  cringe  of  fycophantic  infignificance.  The  graceful  pride  of 
truth  knows  no  extremes,  and  preferves,  in  every  latitude  of  life, 
the  right-angled  charafter  of  man. 

Let 


(    49    ) 

Let  us  now  look  to  the  other  fide  of  the  quelUon.  In  the  addier- 
fes  of  theEnghih  Parliaments  to  their  Kings,  we  fee  neither  the  in- 
trepid Ipirit  ot  the  uld  pa'  Haments  of  France,  nor  the  ferene  dignity 
ot  ihe  prelent  National  AiTembly  ;  neither  do  we  fee  in  them  any 
thiiig  of  the  ftile  oi  Englilh  manners,  which  borders  fomcwhat  on 
blun.nels.  Since  then  they  are  neither  oF  foreign  exfraRion,  nor 
naturally  of  Knylifh  produtiion  their  origin  muH  be  fought  tor  elfe- 
where,  and  that  origin  is  the  N.Tman  Conqueft.  They  are  evident- 
ly of  ilie  va{Ia!rge  clafs  of  manners,  and  emphatically  mark  the  pro- 
ftrate  diflance  that  exifts  in  no  other  condition  ol  men  than  beiv/eea 
the  conqueror  and  the  conquered.  That  this  vaflalage  idea  and  the 
ftile  offpeakint;  was  not  got  rid  of  even  at  the  Revolution  ot  i688» 
is  evident  h-oni  declaration  o\  Parliameni  to  William  and  Mary,  in 
thefe  words :  "We  do  moft  humbly  and  fdithfully  fiibmit  ourfelves, 
"  our  heirs  andpoRerities,  forever."  SubmilTion  is  wholly  avalfalage 
term  repugnant  to  the  dignity  ol  Freedom,  and  an  echo  ot  the  laa- 
guage  ufed  at  the  Conqueil. 

As  tne  eftimation  of  all  things  is  by  compariron,  the  Revolution 
of  1688,  however  irom  circumftances  it  may  have  been  exalted 
beyond  its  value,  will  find  its  level.  It  is  already  on  the  wane, 
eclipfed  by  the  enlarging  orbcfreafon,  and  the  lumnious  Revolu- 
tions of  America  and  France.  In  lefs  than  another  century,  it  will 
go  as  v;ed  as  Mr.  Burke's  labours,  *'  to  the  family  vault  of  the  Capu- 
l^ts."  Mankind  will  then  fcarcely  believe  that  a  country  calling  itielf 
free,  would  fend  to  Holland  for  a  man  and  clothe  him  with  power 
on  purpofe  to  put  themfelves  in  fear  of  him,  and  give  him  almoit  a 
million  Tierling  a-year,  for  leave  "iofubmit  themfelves  and  their  pof- 
terity,  hke  bond-men  and  bond-women,  for  ever. 

But  there  is  a  truth  that  ought  to  be  made  known  ;  I  have  had 
the  opportunity  of  feeing  it;  \A\ic\\'\s^notwitIiJlanding  appearances, 
there  is  not  any  dcfcription  of  7nen  that  defpife  monarchy  jo  much  as 
courtiers.  But  they  well  know,  that  it  it  were  feen  by  others,  as  it 
is  feen  by  ihem,  the  juggle  could  not  be  kept  up.  They  are  in  the 
condition  of  men  who  get  their  living  by  a  fhow,  and  to  whom  the 
whole  of  that  fhow  is  fo  familier  tiiat  they  redicule  it ;  but  were  the 
audience  to  be  made  as  wife,  in  this  refped,  as  themfelves,  there 
would  be  an  end  to  the  Ihow  and  the  profits  with  it.  The  differ- 
ence between  a  repubiican  and  a  courtier  with  refpetl  to  monarchy 
is,  thai  the  one  oppofes  monarchy,  believing  it  to  be  fomething, 
and  the  other  laughs  at  it  knowing  it  to  be  nothing. 

A.S  I  ulcd  fometimes  to  correlpond  with  Mr.  Burke,  believing 
him  then  to  be  a  man  ot  founder  principles  than  his  books  (hows  him 
to  be,  I  vvrote  to  him  lafl  winter  from  Paris,  and  gave  him  an  account 
how  profperoufly  matters  v/ere  going  0x1.  Among  other  fubjeds  iu 

G  that 


(  i^  I 

that  letter,  I  rcrerred  to  the  happy  fituation  the  National  AiTembly 
were  placed  in;  that  they  had  taken  a  ground  on  which  their  nior- 
ral  dutv  and  their  politiciil  intereft  were  united.  They  have  not  to 
hold  out  a  language  whicli  they  do  not  (hcmfelves  helievc.  for  the 
fraudulent  purpofeot  making  others  believe  it.  Then'  itauon  re- 
quires no  artifice  to  fupport  it,  and  can  only  be  maintained  by  en- 
lightened mankind.  It  is  not  their  iriterell  to  cherifh  ignorance, 
but  to  delpel  it.  They  are  not  in  the  cafe  of  a  inini.tcrial  or  oppo- 
fition  p?ny  in  Eng'and,  v,-ho,  though  they  were  oppoletl,  are  ilill 
iinitcd  to  keep  up  the  coir.mon  niyiiery.  The  National  Allembly 
muft  throw  open  a  magazine  of  light.  It  mad  fhew  man  the  pro- 
per character  of  man  ;  and  (he  nearer  it  can  bring  him  to  that  ftand- 
ard,  the  Itronger  the  National  Auemblv  becomes. 

In  contemplating  the  French  conilitution,  we  fee  in  it  araiiona) 
order  of  things.  The  principles  harinonife  with  the  forms,  and 
both  with  their  origin.  It  miy  perhaps  be  laid  as  an  excufe  for  bad 
Jorms,  that  they  are  nothing  more  than  forms ;  but  this  is  a  miilake. 
Forms  grow  out  of  principles,  and  operate  to  continue  the  principles 
they  glow  fiom.  It  is  impofRble  topradife  a  bad  form  on  any  thing 
but  a  bad  principle.  It  cannot  be  ingrafted  on  a  good  one  ;  and 
wherever  the  lorms  in  any  government  are  bad,  it  is  a  certain  indi- 
cation that  tl'.e   principles  are  bad  alfo. 

I  will  here  finally  clofe  this  fubjei^,  I  began  it  by  remarking 
that  Mr.  Burke  had  volunlarily  declined  going  into  a  comparilon  of 
the  Engilh  and  French  conditutions.  Heapologifes  (in  page  241)  for 
not  doingr  it,  by  faying  -that  he  had  not  time.  Mr.  Burke's  book  was 
iipwardsof  eight  months  in  hand,  and  is  extended  to  a  volume  of 
tViree  hundred  and  fifty  fix  pa,g;es.  As  his  omifTion  does  injury  to 
his  canfe,  liis  apology  makes  it  worfe;  and  men  on  the  r.nglifh 
fide  the  water  v.'ill  begin  to  confider,  whether  there  is  not  fome 
radical  dele6f  in  what  is  called  the  Englifh  conflitution,  that  made 
it  iiecefTary  for  Mr.  Burke  to  fupprefs  the  comparifon,  to  avoid 
bringing  it  into  view. 

As  Mr.  Burke  has  not  written  on  conflitutions,  fo  neither  has  he 
written  on  the  French  revolution.  He  gives  no  account  of  its 
commencement,  or  its  progrefs.  He  only  exprefTes  his  wonder. 
*'  It  looks,"  fays  he,  *'  to  me,  as  if  I  were  in  a  great  ciifis,  not  of 
*'  the  affairs  of  France  alone,  but  of  all  Europe,  perhaps  of  more 
*'  than  Europe.  All  circumflances  taken  together,  the  French  re- 
*'  volution  is  the  mofl  afloniihing  that  has  hitherto  happened  in  the 
"  world." 

As  wife  men  ?iie  afloniflied  at  foollfli  things,  and  other  people  at 
wile  ones,  I  know  not  on  which  ground  to  account  lor  Mr.  Burke's 
alloniihment;  but  certain  it  is,    that  he   docs   not   underftand   the 

Frenck 


{   51    ) 

French  Revolution.  It  has  apparently  biirft  forth  like  a  creation 
from  a  chaos,  but  it  is  no  more  than  the  confequence  of  a  mental 
revolution  priorily  exiding  in  France.  The  mind  of  the  nation  had 
changed  betore  hand,  and  the  new  order  of  things  has  ndtinaHy 
followed  the  new  order  of  tiioughts. — I  will  here,  as  concifely  as  I 
can,  trace  out  the  growth  of  the  French  Revohition,  and  mar!:  the 
circumitances  that  have  contributed  lo  produce  it. 

The  depotifin  of  Louis  XIV.  united  with  tlie  gaiety  of  his  Cc.urt, 
and  the  gaudy  ollentation  of  his  chara6fer,  had  (o  hunibltid,  and  ai 
the  fame  time  fo  fafcinated  the  rnind  of  France,  that  the  people  ap- 
pear to  have  loil  all  fenfe  of  their  own  dignity  in  contemplating 
that  of  their  grand  Monarch:  ,and  the  whole  reign  of  Louis  XV. 
remarkable  only  for  weaknefs  and  effeminacy,  made  no  odier  alter- 
ation than  that  of  fpreading  a  fort  of  lethargy  over  the  nation,  from 
which  it  fhewed  no  difpofiiion  to  rife. 

The  only  figns  which  appeared  of  the  f[jirit  of  liberty  during-thofe 
periods,  are  to  be  found  m  the  writings  of  the  French  philofophers. 
Montefquieu,  prefident  ol  the  Par-iament  of  Bourdeaux,  went  as 
far  as  a  writer  under  a  defpotic  government  couid  well  proceed ;  and  be- 
ing obliged  to  divide  himfelf  between  principle  and  prudence,  his 
mind  often  appears  under  a  veil,  and  we  ought  to  give  him  credit 
for  more  than  he  has  exprelfed. 

Voltaire,  who  v^as  both  the  flatterer  and  the  fatirill  of  defpolifm, 
took  rdnother  line.  His  forte  lay  in  expofii^g  and  ridiculinc-  the 
iuperftitions  which  prieft  craft  united  with  Itate-craft,  had  interwoven 
with  governments.  It  was  not  from  the  purity  ot  his  principles, 
or  his  love  of  mankind,  (tor  fatire  and  philanthrophy  are  not  natu- 
rally concordant,)  but  from  his  ifrong  capacity  of  feeing  folly  in 
its  true  fhape,  and  his  irrehllable  propenfity  to  expofe  it,  that  he 
made  thofe  attacks.  They  were  however  as  formidable  as  if  the  mo- 
tives had  been  virtuous ;  and  he  merits  the  thanks  rather  than  the 
efteem  of  mankind. 

On  the  contrary,  we  find  in  the  writings  of  Roulfeau,  and  the 
Abbe  Raynal,  a  lovelinefs  ol  fentmient  in  favour  of  Liberty,  that 
excites  refpe6t,  and  elevates  the  human  faculties;  but  having  raifed 
this  animationi,  they  do  not  direft  its  operations;  and  leave  the  mind 
in  love  with  an  objeft,  without  defcribing  the  means  of  poffeffing  it. 

The  writings  of  Ouefnay,  Tnrgot,  and  the  friends  of  thofe  autiiors, 
are  of  the  ferious  kind  ;  but  they  laboured  under  the  fame  difadvan- 
tage  with  Montefquieu;  their  writings  abound  v/ith  moral  maxims  of 
government,  but  are  rather  direfted  to  cec(moraife  and  reform  the 
adminiftration  of  the  government,  than  the  government  itfelf. 

But  all  thofe  \/ritings  and  many  others  had  their  weight ;  and  by 
the  different  manner  which  they  treated  the  fabjeft  of  government, 

Montefquieu 


f  5^   ) 

Montefquleu  by  his  juclgment  and  knowledge  of  laws,  Voltaire  by 
his  wit,  RouiTeau  and  Raynal  by  their  animation,  and  Quefnay  and 
Tnrgot  by  their  moral  maxims  and  fyflems  of  ceconomy,  readers  of 
every  clafs  met  with  fomething  to  their  tafle,  and  a  fpirit  of  political 
enquiry  began  to  diiTufe  itielf  through  the  nation  at  the  time  the  dif- 
pute  between  England  and  the  then  colonies  of  America  broke  out. 

In  the  war  which  France  afterwards  engaged  in,  it  is  very  welJ 
known  that  the  nation  appeared  to  be  before-hand  with  the  French 
niiniftry.  Each  of  them  had  it.s  view  ;  but  thofe  views  were  direft- 
ed  to  different  objefts ;  the  one  fought  liberty,  and  the  other  retali- 
ation on  England.  The  French  officers  and  foidiers  who  after  thi« 
went  to  America,  were  eventually  placed  in  the  fchool  of  Freedom, 
and  learned  the  practice  as  well  as  the  principles  of  it  by  heart. 

As  it  was  impofTible  to  feparate  the  military  events  which  took 
place  in  America  from  the  principles  of  the  Am.erican  revolution, 
the  publication  of  thof^  events  in  France  necefTarily  connefted 
them.felves  with  the  principles  which  produced  them.  Many  of 
the  fa6ls  were  in  themfclves  principles ;  luch  as  the  declaration  of  A- 
TTierican  independence,  and  the  treaty  of  alliance  between  France 
and  America,  which  recognifed  the  natural  right  of  man,  and  jufti- 
fied  refinance  to  opprefTzon. 

The  then  minifter  of  France,  Count  Vergennes,  was  not  the 
friend  of  America  ;  and  itis  both  juftice  and  gratitude  to  fay,  that 
it  was  the  Queen  of  France  who  gave  the  caufe  of  America  a  tafhi- 
on  at  the  French  Court.  Count  Vergennes  was  the  perfonal  and 
focial  friend  ol  Dr.  Franklin  ;  and  the  Do6ior  had  obtained,  by  his 
ienfible  gracefiiltnefs,  a  fort  of  influence  over  him;  but  with  refpe^l 
to  priiiciples,  Count  Vergennes  was  a  defpot. 

The  fituation  of  Dr.  Franklin  as  minifter  from  America  to 
France  fhould  be  taken  into  the  chain  of  circumftances.  The  di- 
plomatic character  is  of  iilelf  the  narroweft  fphere  of  fociety  that 
jnan  can  a£l  in.  It  forbids  iniercourfe  by  a  reciprocity  of  fuf- 
picion  ;  and  a  Diplomatic  is  a  fort  ot  unconne6ied  atom,  continu- 
ally repelling  and  repelled.  But  this  was  not  the  cafe  with  Dr. 
IVanklm.  He  was  not  the  diplomatic  of  a  Court,  but  of  MAN. 
His  chara£ler  as  a  philofopher  had  been  long  eftablilhed,  and  his 
circle  of  fociety  in  France  was  univerfal. 

Count  V^ergennes  refifted  for  a  confiderable  time  the  publication 
in  France  of  the  American  conftitutions,  tranflated  into  the  French 
language;  but  even  in  this  he  was  obliged  to  give  way  to  public 
opinion,  and  a  fc^rt  of  propriety  in  admitting  to  appear  what  he  had 
undertaken  to  defend.  The  American  conititutions  were  to  liberty 
what  a  grammar  is  to  language ;  they  define  its  parts  of  fpeecb,  and 
praQicallv  connru6l  them  into  fvntax. 

The 


i  53  J 

The  peculiar  fituatlon  of  the  then  Marquis  de  la  Faycrtc  is  i:n- 
other  link  in  the  great  chain.  Ke  Terved  in  America  as  an  Ameri- 
can officer  under  a  commiffion  of  Congrels,  and  by  the  univerfa- 
lity  of  his  acquaintance,  was  m  dole  fnendrnip  with  the  civil  go- 
vernment oi  America,  as  well  as  with  the  mihtary  line.  Ke  fpoke 
the  language  of  the  country,  entered  into  the  difculTions  on  the 
principfes  of  government,  and  was  always  a  welcome  Lnend  at  any 

eleftion.  i  r      r  i  - 

When  the  war  clofed,  a  vail  reinforcement  to  tne  caufe  of  Li- 
berty fpread  iifelf  over  France,. by  the  return  of  the  French  officers 
andYoldiers.  A  knowledge  of  the  praBice  was  then  joined  to  the 
theorv ;  and  all  that  was  wanting  to  give  it  real  exiileiice  was  oppoi- 
tunity.  Man  cannot,  properly  fpeaking,  make  circumftances  for 
his  purpofe,  but  he  always  has  it  in  his  power  to  improve  them 
when  they  occur  ;  and  this  was  the  cafe  in  France. 

M.  Neckar  was  diiplaced  in  May  1781  ;  and  by  the  ill  ir.anage- 
ment  of  the  finances  afterwards,  and  particularly  during  the  extra- 
vatrant  adminiftration  of  M.  Ca'onne,  the  revenue  of  France,  which 
was  nearly  twenty-four  millions  {[Qxl'ing  per  year,  was  become  un- 
equal to  the  expenditures,  not  becaufe  the  revenue  had  decreafed, 
but  becauie  the  expenfes  had  increafed  ;  and  this  was  the  circuin- 
ftance  which  the  nation  laid  hold  of  to  bring  forward  a  revolution. 
The  Engliffi  Minifter,  Mr.  Pitt,  has  frequently  alluded  to  the  fiate 
of  the  French  finances  in  his  budgets,  without  undertaking  the  fub- 
je£>.  Had  the  French  Parliaments  been  as  ready  to  regiller  edi6>s 
for  new  taxes,  as  an  Englifn  parliament  is  to  grant  them,  there  had 
been  no  derangement  in  the  finances,  nor  yet  any  revolution  ;  but 
this  will  better  explain  itfelf  as  1  proceed. 

It  will  be  neceffary  here  to  fhew  how  taxes  were  formerly  raifeJ 
in  France.  The  King,  or  rather  the  Court  or  Miniftry  afting  un- 
der the  ufe  of  that  name,  framed  the  edifts  for  taxes  at  their  own 
defcretion,  and  lent  them  to  the  parliaments  to  be  regidered  ;  lor 
until  they  were  regiftered  by  the  parlian^ents  they  were  not  opera- 
tive. Difputeshad  longexiiled  between  the  court  and  the  parlia- 
ments with  refpeft  to  the  extent  of  the  parliament's  authority  on 
this  head.  The  court  infiftcd  that  the  authority  of  parliaments  went 
no  further  than  to  reiuon Urate  or  ffiev/  reafons  againft  the  tax,  re- 
ferving  to  itfeU  the  right  of  determning  whether  the  reafons  were 
well  or  ill-founded;  and  in  confequence  thereof,  cither  to  with- 
draw the  edi£tas  a  matter  ot  choice,  or  to  order  it  to  be  enregiflercd 
as  a  matter  of  authority.  The  parliaments  en  their  part  infirted, 
that  they  had  not  only  a  right  to  remonllrate  but  to  rejeft  ;  and  on 
this  ground  they  were  always  fupported  by  the  nation. 

Bat,  to  return  to  the  order  of  my  narrative — M.  Calonne  wanted 

m.onev; 


:  54  ) 

money  ;  and  as  he  knew  the  llurdy  difpofition  of  the  parliaments 
with  ieipe6t  to  new  taxes,  heingenioufly  fought  either  to  approach 
them  by  more  gentle  means  than  that  of  diretl  authority,  or  to  get 
over  their  heads  by  a  mancEuvre  ;  and,  for  this  purpofe,  he  revived 
the  projeft  of  affembling  a  body  oi  men  from  the  feveral  provinces, 
under  tne  ftile  of  an  "  AfTembly  of  the  Notables,"  or  Men  of 
Note,  who  met  in  1787,  and  who  were  either  to  recommend  taxes 
to  the  parliaments,  or  aft  as  a  parliament  themfelves.  An  aflem- 
bly  under  this  name  had  been  called  in  1617. 

As  we  are  to  view  this  as  ihefirfl  praftical  ftep  lowards  the  revo- 
lution, it  will  be  proper  to  enter  into  fomc  particulars  refpefting  it. 

The  AfTembly  of  the  Notables  has  in  fome  places  been  miftaken 
for  the  Stales-General,  but  was  wholly  a  different  body  ;  the  States- 
General  being  always  by  election.  The  perfons  who'compofed  the 
Afiembly  of  the  Notables  -veie  all  nominated  by  the  Kmg,  and 
confilied  of  one  hundred  and  forty  members.  But  as  M.  Calonne 
could  not  depend  upon  a  majority  of  this  afiembly  in  his  favour,  he 
very  ingenioufly  arranged  them  in  fuch  a  manner  as  to  make  forty- 
four  a  majority  of  one  hundred  and  forty  :  to  eifefcl:  this,  he  dif- 
pofed  of  them  into  fevcn  feparate  committees,  of  twenty  members 
each.  Every  general  queflion  was  to  be  decided,  not  by  a  majority 
of  perfons,  but  by  a  majority  of  committees  ;  and  as  eleven  votes 
would  makca  majority  in  a  committee,  and  four  committees  a  ma- 
jority of  fevcn,  M.  Calonne  had  good  reafon  to  conclude,  that  as 
forty-four  would  determine  any  general  queflion,  he  could  not  be 
out-voted.  But  all  his  pUns  deceived  him,  and  in  the  event  be- 
came his  overthrow. 

The  then  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  was  placed  in  the  fecond  com- 
mittee, of  which  Count  D'Artois  was  Piefident :  and  as  money- 
matters  was  the  obje61,  it  natural'y  brought  in  view  every  circum- 
flance  conne6ted  with  it.  M.  de  la  Fayette  made  a  verbal  charge 
againft  Calonne,  for  felling  crown  lands  to  the  amount  oi  two  mil- 
lions of  livres,  in  a  manner  that  appeared  to  be  unknown  to  the 
King.  The  Count  D'Artois  (as  if  to  intimidate,  for  the  Baftille 
was  then  in  being)  afked  the  Marquis,  if  he  would  render  the  charge 
in  writing  ?  He  replied,  that  he  would.  The  Count  D'Artois  did 
not  dem.and  it,  but  brought  a  meflage  from  the  King  to  that  purport. 
M.  de  la  Fayette  then  delivered  in  his  charge  in  writing,  to  be  given 
to  the  King,  undertaking  to  fupport  it.  No  farther  proceedings 
were  had  upon  this  affair  ;  but  M.  Calonne  w^s  foon  after  dif miffed 
by  the  King,  and  fet  off  to  England. 

As  M.  de  la  Fayette  from  the  experience  of  what  he  had  feen  in 
America,  was  better  acquainted  with  the  fcience  of  civil  govern- 
ment than  the  generality  of  the  members  who  compofcd  the  Alfem- 

bly 


(   55    ) 

bly  of  the  Notables  could  then  be,  the  brunt  of  the  bufinefs  fell  con* 
fiderably  to  his  fhare.  The  plan  of  thofe  who  had  a  conftitution  in 
view,  was  to  contend  with  the  court  on  the  ground  of  taxes,  and 
fome  of  them  openly  profelled  their  objcft.  Difputes  frequently 
arofe  between  Count  D'Artois  and  M.  de  la  Fa)eae,  upon  various 
fubjefts.  With  refpeft  to  the  arrears  already  incurred,  the  latter 
propofed  to  remedy  them,  by  accommodating  ihe  exptnces  to  the 
revenue,  inftead  ot  the  revenue  to  the  expences;  and  as  objcBs  of 
reiorm,  he  propofed  to  abolilh  the  Baftille,  and  all  the  Stare  pii- 
fons  throughout  the  nation,  (the  keeping  oi  which  was  attended  with 
great  expence,)  and  to  fupprefs  Lcttres  de  Cachet :  But  thofe  mat- 
ters were  not  much  attended  to  ;  and  with  refpeft  to  Litres  de 
Cachet,  a  majority  of  the  Nobles  appeared  to  be  in  favour  of  them. 

On  the  fubjeft  of  fupplying  the  Treafur)  by  new  taxes,  tlie  Af- 
fembly  declined  taking  the  matter  on  themfelves,  concurring  in  the 
opinion  that  they  had  nor  authority.  In  a  debate  on  this  fubjeft, 
M.  de  la  Fayette  faid,  that  raifing  money  by  taxes  could  onlv  be  dune 
by  a  National  Aflembly,  freely  elefted  by  the  people,  and  aBing  as 
their  reprefentatives.  Do  you  mean,  faid  the  Count  D'Artois,  the 
States  General?  M.  de  la  Fayette  replied,  that  he  did.  Will  you, 
faid  the  Count  D'Artois,  fign  what  you  fay,  to  be  given  to  the 
King?  The  other  replied,  that  he  not  only  would  do  this,  but  that 
he  would  go  farther,  and  fay,  that  the  effeftual  mode  would  be,  for 
the  King  to  agree  to  the  eftablifhment  ol  a  conftitution. 

As  one  of  the  plans  had  thus  failed,  that  of  getting  the  AfTembly 
to  a£l  as  a  Parliament,  the  other  cam.e  into  view,  that  of  recora- 
mending.  On  this  fubjeft,  the  Aflembjy  agreed  to  recommend  two 
new  taxes  to  be  enregillered  by  the  Parliament,  the  one  a  ftamp- 
tax,  and  the  other  a  territorial  tax,  or  fort  of  land-tax.  The  two 
have  been  eftimaied  at  about  five  millions  fterling  per  ann.  We 
have  now  to  turn  our  attention  to  the  Parliaments,  on  whom  the  bu- 
fmefs  was  again  devolving. 

The  Archbifliop  of  Thouloufe  (fince  Archbilhop  of  Sens  and 
now  a  Cardinal)  was  appointed  to  the  adminhlration  of  the  finances, 
foon  after  the  difmilTion  of  Calonnei  He  was  aifo  made  Prime 
Minifter,  an  office  that  did  not  always  exift  in  France.  When  this 
office  did  not  exift,  the  Chief  of  each  of  the  principal  departments 
tranfafted  bufinefs  immediately  with  the  King ;  but  when  the  Prime 
Minifter  was  appointed,  they  did  bufinefs  only  with  him.  Tlje 
Archb'.fhop  arrived  to  more  ftate-authority  than  any  Minifter  finc« 
the  Duke  de  Choifeui!,  and  the  nation  was  ftrongly  difpofed  in  his 
favour;  but  by  a  line  of  conduft  fcarcely  to  be  ac'counied  for,  he 
perverted  every  opportunity,  turned  out  a  defpot,  and  funk  into 
Sifgrace,  and  a  Cardinal. 

Th? 


(   56   ) 

The  afTembly  of  ilic  Notables  having  broken  up,  the  new  Muiifter 
fent  theeditts  for  the  two  new  taxes  recommended  by  the  Afreinbly 
to  the  parhuaients,  to  be  enregiftered.  They  of  courfe  came  firft 
before  the  parUament  of  Paris,  who  returned  tor  anfwer,  That  with 
fuck  a  levenuc  as  the  Nation  then  /upported,  the  name  of  taxes  ought 
not  to  he  mintioned,  but  fur  the  purpofe  of  reducing  them  ;  and  threw 
both  the  editts  out.  * 

On  this  refufal,  the  parliament  was  ordered  to  Verfailles,  where, 
in  die  ufual  form,' the  King  held,  what  under  the  old  government 
was  called  a  IBitA  or  Juilice  ;  and  the  two  edi6ls  were  enregiflered 
in  prefence  of  the  parliament ;  by  an  order  of  State,  in  the  manner 
iiicntioi^ied  in  page  53.  On  this,  ihe  parliament  immediately  re- 
turned to  Paris,  renewed  their  felhon  in  form,  and  ordered  the  en- 
regidering  to  be  llruck  out,  declaring  that  every  thing  done  at 
Verfailles  was  illegal.  All  the  members  of  the  parliament  were 
then  ferved  with  Lettres  de  Cachet,  and  exiled  to  Trois ;  but  as 
they  continued  as  inflexible  in  exile  as  before,  and  as  vengeance  did 
not  fupply  the  place  of  taxes,  they  were  after  a  Ihort  time  recalled 
10  Palis. 

The  edicls  were  again  tendered  to  them,  and  the  Count  D'Ar- 
tols  undertook  toatt  as  reprefentative  of  the  King.  For  this  pur- 
pofe he  came  trom  Verfailles  to  Paris  in  a  tram  of  procefifion  ;  and 
the  parliament  were  alTembled  to  receive  him.  But  fhow  and 
parade  had  loft  their  influence  in  France;  and  whatever  ideas  ot 
importance  he  might  fet  off  with,  he  had  to  return  with  thofe  of 
mortification  and  difappoiiitment.  On  alighting  from  his  carriage 
to  afcend  the  fteps  of  the  Parliament  Houfe,  the  crowd  (which  was 
nameroufly  collefted)  threw  out  trite  expreffions,  faying,  *'  this 
is  Monfieur  D'Artois,  who  wants  more  of  our  money  to  fpend.'* 
The  marked  difapprobation  which  he  faw,  impreffed  him  with  ap- 
prehcnfions ;  and  the  word  Aux  armes  (to  arms)  was  given  out 
by  the  officer  of  the  guard  who  attended  him.  It  was  fo  loudly  vo- 
ciferated, that  it  echoed  through  the  avenues  of  the  Houfe,  and 
produced  a  temporary  confufion  :  I  was  then  {landing  in  one  of  the 
apartments  through  which  he  had  to  pafs,  and  could  not  avoid  re- 
ilecfing  how  wretched  was  the  condition  of  a  difrefpefted  man. 

He  endeavoured  to  imprefs  the  Parliament  by  great  words,  and 
opened  his  authority  by  faying,  "The  King,  our  Lord  and  Mafter." 
The  parliament  received  him  very  coolly,  and  with  their  ufual  de- 
rermination  not  to  regiller  the  taxes :  and  in  this  manner  the  inter- 
view ended.  After 

*  When  the  Englirii  MioiHer,  Mr,  Pitr,  mention*  the  French  finao- 
cea  a^jaiD  ia  the  Kngiiih  r*:lianicar,  1:  wuuid  Le  weli  that  he  QoLiced 
this  as  au  exainplc. 

i 


(    SI   ) 

After  this  a  new  fubjeft  took  place:  In  the  various  debates  and 
contefts  that  arofe  between  the  Court  and  the  Parliaments  on  the  iubjc6l 
of  taxes,  the  Parhament  of  Paris  at  laft  declared,  that  although  it 
had  been  cuftomary  for  Parliaments  to  enregifter  edi6ts  for  taxes  as 
a  matter  of  convenience,  the  right  belonged  only  to  the  States-Gc' 
neral;  and  that,  therefore,  the  Parliament  could  no  longer  with 
propriety  continue  to  debate  on  what  it  had  net  aurhoriry  to  aft. 
The  King  after  this  came  to  Paris,  and  held  a  meeting  with  the  Par- 
liament, in  which  he  continued  from  ten  in  the  morning  till  about 
fix  in  the  evening;  and,  in  a  manner  that  appealed  to  proceed  trom 
him,  as  it  unconlulted  upon  with  the  cabinet  or  the  miniftry,  gave 
his  word  to  the  Parliament,  that  the  States-General  fliould  be  con- 
vened. 

But  after  this  another  fcene  arofe,  on  a  ground  different  from  all 
the  former.  The  minifler  and  the  cabinet  were  averfe  to  caUing 
the  States-General:  They  well  knew,  that  if  the  States-General 
were  afTembled,  themfelves  muft  fall  ;  and  as  the  King  had  not 
mentioned  any  time,  they  hit  on  a  projeft  calculated  to  elude,  with- 
out appearing  to  oppofe. 

For  this  purpofe,  the  Court  fet  about  making  a  l^ort  of  Conilitu- 
tion  itfelf:  It  was  principally  the  work  of  M.  Lamoignon,  Keeper 
of  the  Seals,  who  afterwards  (hot  himfelf.  This  new  arrangement^ 
confifted  in  elfablifhing  a  body  under  the  name  of  a  Cour  Meniere 
or  lull  Court,  in  which  were  inveited  all  the  powers  that  the  go- 
vernment might  have  occafion  to  make  ufe  of.  The  perfons  com- 
•pofmg  this  Court  were  to  be  nominated  by  the  King;  the  contend- 
ed right  of  taxation  was  given  up  on  the  part  of  tlie  King,  and  a 
new  criminal  code  of  laws,  and  law  proceedings,  was  fubftituted  in 
room  of  the  former.  The  thing,  in  many  points,  contained  better 
principles  than  thofe  upon  which  the  government  had  hitherto  been 
adminiflered ;  but  with  refpeft  to  the  Cour  plenure,  it  was  no  other 
than  a  medium  through  which  defpotifm  was  to  pafs,  without  ap- 
pearing to  aft  direftly  from  itfelf. 

The  Cabinet  had  high  expeftations  from  their  new  contri- 
vance. The  perfons  who  were  to  compofe  the  Cour  Pleniere,  were 
already  nominated,  and  as  it  was  necefTary  to  carry  a  fair  appearance, 
many  of  the  beil  charafters  in  the  nation  were  appointed  among 
the  number.  It  was  to  commence  on  the  8th  of  May  1788;  But 
an  oppofuion  arofe  to  it,  on  two  grounds — the  one  as  to  Principle, 
and  the  other  as  to  Form, 

On  the  ground  of  principle  it  was  contended,  That  government 
had  not  a  right  to  alter  itfelf;  and  that  it  the  praftice  was  once  ad- 
mitted, it  would  grow  into  a  principle,  and  be  made  a  precedent 
for  any  future  alterations  the  governmeni  might  wiih  to  cllablif!(  ; 

H  tb. 


I  5S  ) 

:hat  the  right  of  altering  the  government  was  a  national  right  and 
not  a  right  of  governmeot.  And  on  the  ground  of  Form,  it  was 
contended,  that  tlie  Co  ur  pie  nitre  was  nothing  more  than  a  larger 
Cabinet. 

The  ihen  Dake  dcla  Ronchefoucault,  Luxembourg,  De  Noailles, 
and  many  others,  refufed  to  accept  the  nomination,  and  ftrenuoufly 
oppofed  the  whole  plan.  When  the  edit!  for  eflabHfhing  ihis  new- 
Court  was  feni  to  the  Parliaments  to  be  enregiRered,  and  put  into 
execution,  they  rcf.ilcd  alfo.  The  Parliament  of  Paris  not  onU^ 
refufed,  but  denied  the  authority;  zwd.  the  conteft  renewed  itfelf 
between  ilie  Paiiiauieiit  and  the  Cabinet  moie  llrongly  than  ever. 
While  the  Parliament  were  fitting  in  debaie  on  this  fubjeft,  the 
Miniflry  ordered  a  regiment  of  foMiers  to  furround  the  Houle,  and 
form  a  blockade.  The  Members  fent  out  for  beds  and  provifion, 
and  lived  as  in  a  befieged  citadel ;  and  this  had  no  effefcf,  the  com- 
manding officer  was  oidered  to  enier  the  Parliament  Houfe  and 
feize  them,  which  be  did,  and  fome  of  the  prmcipal  members  were 
{hut  up  in  different  prifons.  About  the  fame  time  a  deputation  of 
perfons  arrivei  from  the  {province  of  Brittany,  to  remonftrate  a- 
gainft  the  eflabliQiment  of  sX^^Cour  plcniere  ;  and  thofe  the  Arch- 
bifhop  fcnt  to  the  Baflille.  But  the  fpii  it  ot  the  Nation  was  not  to 
be  overcome ;  and  it  was  fo  fub'y  fenhble  oi:  the  flrong  ground  it 
had  taken,  that  of  withholding  taxes,  that  it  contented  itfelf  with 
keeping  up  a  fort  of  quiet  rehilance,  which  efFeBually  overthrew 
ail  the  plans  at  that  time  formed  againd  it.  The  projc6t  of  the 
Cour  Pleniere  was  at  lall  obliged  to  be  given  up,  and  the  Prime  Mi- 
nifter  not  long  after vvards  followed  its  fate  ;  and  M.  Neckar  was  re- 
called into  office. 

The  attempt  to  eftal)iifli  the  Cour  Pleiiiere  had  an  effi^^cf  upon  the 
Nation,  which  itielf  did  not  perceive.  It  was  a  fort  of  new  lorm  of 
government,  that  infenfibility  ferved  10  put  the  old  one  out  of  fight, 
and  to  unhinge  it  from  the  fuperftitious  authority  of  antiquity.  It 
was  government  dethroning  government  ;  and  the  old  one,  by  at- 
tempting to  make  a  new  one,  made  a  chafm. 

The  failure  of  this  fcheme  renewed  the  fubjeft  of  convening  the 
States- General ;  and  this  gave  rife  to  a  new  feries  of  politics. — 
There  was  no  fettled  form  for  convening  the  States-General;  all 
that  it  pofitively  meant,  was  a  deputation  from  what  were  then  called 
the  Clergy,  the  NoblefTe,  and  the  Commons;  but  their  numbers,  or 
their  proportions,  had  not  been  always  the  fame.  They  had  been 
convened  only  on  extraordinary  occafions,  the  lall  of  which  was  in 
1614;  their  numbers  were  then  in  equal  proportions,  and  they 
voted  by  orders. 

It  could  not  well  efcape  the  fagaciiy  of  M.  Neckar,  that  the 

mode 


{   59   ) 

mode  of  1614  would  anfwer  neither  the  purpoic  of  the  then  go- 
vernment, nor  of  the  nation.  As  matters  were  at  that  time  cir- 
cumflanced,  it  would  have  been  too  contentious  to  agree  upon  any 
thing.  The  debates  would  have  been  endlefs  upon  privileges  and 
exemptions,  in  which  neither  the  wants  of  the  govcrnincnt,  nor 
the  wiHies  of  the  nation  for  a  conltitution,  would  have  been  attend- 
ed  to.  But  as  he  did  not  chufe  to  take  the  decifiou  upon  him^^-lf, 
he  iurnmoned  again  the  AJfembly  of  tin  Notables,  and  referred  it  to 
them.  This  body  was  in  general  interefted  in  the  decifion,  being 
chiefly  of  the  ariliocracy  and  the  high-paid  clergy  ;  and  they  de- 
cided in  favour  of  the  mode  of  1614.  This  decifion  was  againfl 
the  fenfe  of  the  Nation,  and  alfo  againfl:  the  wiihes  of  the  Court ; 
for  the  ariftocracy  oppofed  itfelf  to  both,  and  contended  tor  privi- 
leges independent  of  either.  The  fubjett  was  then  taken  up  by  the 
Parliament,  who  recommended  that  the  number  of  the  Commons 
fhould  be  equal  to  the  other  two  ;  and  that  they  iliou'd  all  fit  in  one 
houfe,  and  vote  in  one  body.  The  number  final 'y  determined  on 
was  twelve  hundred ;  fix  hundred  to  be  chofen  by  the  Commons^ 
(and  this  was  lefs  than  their  proportion  ought  to  have  been  when 
their  worth  and  confequence  is  confidercd  on  a  national  fcale)  three 
hundred  by  the  clergy,  and  three  hundred  by  the  ariliocracy ;  but 
with  refpeft  to  the  mode  ol  afiembling  themfelves,  whether  toge- 
ther or  apart,  or  the  manner  in  which  ihcy  fiiould  vote,  thofe  mat- 
ters were  referred.*  The 

*  Mr.  Burke  (and  I  muft  tak?  the  I'bertf  of  telling  him  he  is  very  un- 
acquainted with  French  affairs)  fpeaking  upon  this  fubjc^i,  fays,  **  The 
**  firft  thing  that  (Iriick  me  ia  the  calling  ?he  States-General,  was  a 
**  great  departure  from  the  ancient  courfe  ;'*  and  he  fooo  after  fay«, 
**  From  rhe  tnomeat  I  read  the  iitl,  I  faw  diftiiiciiy,  hm'I  very  nearly  as 
**  it  hai  happened,  all  that  was  to  follow."  Mr.  Burke  certainiy  did  not 
fee  all  that  wan  to  follow.  I  endeavoured  to  imprefs  hira,  as  \yell  be- 
fore as  after  the  States-General  met,  that  there  would  be  a  REVO- 
LUTION; b»'t  was  not  able  to  imke  him  fee  it,  neiilier  would  he  be- 
lieve it.  How  then  he  conld  difiin^ly  fee  allthe  parts,  when  the  whole 
was  out  of  fight,  is  beyond  my  comprehenfion.  And  with  refpect  to 
the  **  departure  from  the  ajjcient'coorfe,"  befides  the  natural  weakuefs 
of  the  remark,  it  (hews  ihar  he  is  nnacquainted  with  circufutlancei.— 
The  departure  was  neceilarr,  from  the  expej  ientff  Jud  upon  it,  that  the 
ancient  courfe  was  a  bad  one.  The  States-General  oi  1614  were  call- 
ed at  the  coramenGeraent  of  the  civil  war  in  the  minority  of  Louis  XIII ; 
hut  by  the  claOi  ot  arranging  them  by  orders,  they  inceafed  the  confu- 
fion  they  were  called  to  compofe.  The  author  of  L'lntrigue  du  Cabi- 
net, (Intrigue  of  the  Cabinet)  who  wrote  before  any  revolution  was 
thought-  of  in  France,  fpeaki' g  of  the  States  General  of  11^14,  fays, 
**  Th:y  held  the  public  in  fufpenfo  five  month?;  and  by  the  queftions 
«  agitated  therein,  and  the  heat  with  which  they  were  pur,  it  appears 

'♦  that 


(    6o    ) 

The  ele6lIon  that  followed,  was  not  a  contefted  eleaion,  but  an 
animated  one.  The  candidates  were  not  men,  but  principles.  So- 
cieties verc  formed  in  Paris,  and  committees  of  correlpondence  and 
communication  eftablifhed  throughout  the  nation,  for  the  purpofe 
of  enlightening  the  people,  and  explaining  to  them  the  prmciples 
of  civil  government ;  and  fo  orderly  was  the  eleaion  conduaed, 
that  it  did  not  give  rife  even  to  the  rumour  of  tumult. 

The  States-General  were  to  meet  at  Vei failles,  in  April  1789, 
but  did  not  affemble  till  May.  They  fituated  themfelves  in  three 
feparate  chambers,  or  rather  the  clergy,  and  the  arillocracy  with- 
drew each  into  a  feparate  chamber.  The  majority  of  the  ariftocracy 
claimed  what  they  called  the  privilege  of  voting  as  a  feparate  body, 
2nd  of  giving  their  confent  or  their  negative  in  that  manner;  and 
many  of  the  bifliops  and  the  high-beneficed  clergy  claimed  the  fame 
privilege  on  the  part  of  their  order. 

The  Tiers  Elat  (as  they  were  then  called)  difowned  any  know- 
ledge of  artificial  orders  and  artificial  privileges;  and  they  were  not 
only  refolute  on  this  point,  but  fomewhat  difdainiul.  They  began 
to  confider  arifiocr.cy  as  a  kind  of  fuiigus  growmg  out  of  the  cor- 
ruption of  fociety,  that  could  not  be  admitted  even  as  a  branch  of 
it ;  and  from,  the  difpofition  the  ariftocracy  had  fhewn  by  upholding 
Lettrcs  de  Cachet,  and  in  fundry  other  inftances,  it  was  manifell 
that  no  conftitution  could  be  formed  by  admitting  men  in  any  other 
charader  than  as  national  men. 

After  various  altercations  on  this  head,  the  Tiers  Etat  or  Com- 
mons (as  they  were  then  called)  declared  themfelves  (on  a  motion 
made  for  that  purpofe  by  the  Abbe  Sieyes)  "  the  represent  a- 
"  TiVEs  Of  THE  NATION  ;  and  that  the  two  orders  could  he  con- 
*'  fidered  but  as  deputies  of  corporations,  and  could  only  have  a  deli- 
*'  beratwe  voice  n'hen  they  ajftmbled  in  a  national  charaBer  with  the 
"  national  repreftntatives.''  This  proceeding  extinguiflied  the  ftile 
of  Etaf.s  Generaiix,  or  States  General,  and  ere6>ed  it  into  the  flilc 
it  now  bears^  that  of  L'AfTemble  Nationale,  or  National  Aifembly. 

This  motion  was  not  made  in  a  precipitate  manner :  It  was  the 
refultof  cool  deliberation,  and  concerted  between  the  national  re- 
prefentatives  and  the  patriotic  members  of  the  two  chambers,  who 
faw  into  the  folly,  mifchief,  and  injuftice  of  artificial  privileged 
diftinaions.  It  was  become  evident,  that  no  conftitution,  worthy 
of  being  called  by  that  name,  could  beeftablifhed  on  any  thing  lefs 
than  a  national  ground.     The  ariftocracy  had  hitherto  oppofed  the 

delpotifm 
«  that  the  great  (!e»  graud«)  thought  more  to  fatisfy  their  particular 
•«  paffiona,  than  to  procure  the  good  of  the  nation  ;  aud  the  whole  time 
<*  paired  away  id  ahercatioas,  ceremonies,  and  parade.'*--— LUnfiigMo 
du  Cabiutr,  vol,  i.  p.  329. 


(   6i    ) 

defpotifm  ot  the  Court,  and  affefled  the  language  of  patriotifm  ; 
but  it  oppofcd  it  as  ils  rival,  (as  the  Englifh  Barons  oppofed  King 
John  ;)  and  it  now  oppofed  the  nation  trom  the  fame  itiOtives. 

On  carrying  this  motion,  the  national  rcpreleniatives^  as  had 
been  concerted,  fent  an  invitation  to  the  two  chambers,  to  unite 
Avith  them  in  a  national  chara£^ter,  and  proceed  to  bufinefs,  A  ma- 
jority ot  the  clergy,  chiefly  of  the  parifli-priefts,  withdrew  from 
the  clerical  chamber,  and  joined  the  nation  ;  and  forty-five  from 
the  other  chamber  joined  in  like  manner.  There  is  a  fort  of  fecret 
hiftory  belonging  to  this  laft  circuvn Ranee,  which  is  neceffary  to 
its  explanation  :  It  was  not  judged  prudent  that  all  the  patriotic 
members  ot  the  cbamber,  ftiiing  itleif  the  Nobles,  Ihould  quit  at 
once  ;  and  in  confcquence  of  this  arrangement,  they  drew  off  by 
degrees,  alwavs  leaving  fome,  as  well  to  reafon  the  c^fe,  as  to 
watch  the  fufpe6led.  In  a  little  time,  the  numbers  increafed  irom 
forty. five  to  eighty,  and  foon  after  to  a  greater  number  ;  which 
with  a  majority  of  the  clergy,  and  the  whole  of  the  national  repre- 
fentatives,  put  the  mal-contents  in  a  very  diminutive  condition. 

The  King,  who,  very  different  from  the  general  clafs  called  by 
that  name,  is  a  man  of  a  good  heart,  fhewed  hirnfelf  difpofed  to  re- 
commend a  union  of  the  three  chambeis,  on  the  ground  theNation- 
al  Affembly  had  taken  ;  but  the  mal-contents  exerted  themfelves  to 
prevent  it,  and  began  now  to  have  another  project  in  view.  Their 
numbers  confifted  of  a  majority  of  the  ailftocratica!  chamber,  and 
a  minority  of  the  clerical  chamber,  chiefly  of  bifliops,  and  high- 
beneficed  clergy  ;  and  thefe  men  were  determined  to  put  every 
thing  toiffue,  as  well  by  ftrength  as  by  ftratagem.  They  had  no 
objeft ion  to  a  conftitution  ;  but  it  mull  be  fuch  an  one  as  thernfelves 
ihould  diftate,  and  luited  to  their  own  views  and  particular  fituati- 
©ns.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Nation  difowned  knowing  any  thing 
ot  them  but  as  citizens,  and  was  determined  to  (hiit  out  all  fuch  up- 
ftart  pretenfions.  The  more  ariftocracy  appeared,  the  more  it  was 
defpifed  ;  there  was  a  vifible  imbecility  and  want  of  intellecfsin  the 
majority,  a  fort  ot  je  lujais  quoi,  that  while  it  affefied  to  be  more 
than  citizen,  was  lefs  than  man.  It  loft  ground  from  contempt 
more  than  from  hatred  ;  and  was  rather  jeered  at  as  an  afs,  than 
dreaded  as  a  lion.  This  is  the  general  cliaracler  of  aiiOocracy,  or 
what  are  called  Nobles  or  Nobility,  or  rather  No-ability,  in  all 
coimtries. 

The  plan  of  the  mal-contents  confifted  nov/  of  two  things ;  either 
to  deliberate  and  vote  by  chambers,  (or  orders,)  more  cfpccially 
on  all  queftions  refpecling  a  conftitution,  (by  v/hich  the  ariftocrati- 
€al  chamber  would  have  had  a  negative  on  any  article  of  the  con- 
ftitution)  or.  in  cafe  they  could  not  accoinplifh  this  objett,  to  over- 
throw the  National  Affemblv  entirely.         '  "  Td 


i  62  ) 

To  effcci  one  or  other  of  thefe  objefts,  they  began  now  to  culti- 
vate a  friendfliip  with  that  defpotifm  they  had  hitherto  attempted 
to  rival,  and  the  Count  D'Artois  became  their  chief.  The  King 
(who  has  fince  declared  himfelf  deceived  into  their  meafures)  held, 
according  to  the  old  form,  a  Bed  of  Jujlice  in  which  he  accorded 
to  the  deliberation  and  vote /?<2r  ;^^tf  (by  head)  upon  leveral  fub- 
je£ls;  but  referved  the  deliberation  -and  vote  upon  all  queflions 
refpetling  a  conflitution  to  the  three  chambers  feparately.  This 
declaration  of  the  king  was  made  againft  the  advice  of  M.  Neckar, 
who  now  began  to  perceive  that  he  was  growing  out  of  falhion  at 
Court,  and  that  another  minifter  was  in  contemplation. 

As  the  form  of  fitting  in  feparate  chambers  was  yet  apparently 
kept  up,  though  efTentially  dcflroyed,  the  national  reprefentatives, 
immediately  after  this  declaration  of  the  King,  reforted  to  their  own 
•chambers,  to  confult  on  a  protelt  againft  it;  and  the  minority  of 
the  chamber  (calling  itfelf  tlie  Nobles,)  who  had  joined  the  nation- 
al caufe,  retired  to  a  private  houfe,  to  confult  in  like  manner.  The 
mal-contents  had  by  this  time  concerted  their  meafures  with  the 
Court,  which  Count  D'Artois  undertook  to  conduft  ;  and  as  they 
faw,  from  the  difcontent  which  the  declaration  excited,  and  the  op- 
poiltion  making  againft  it,  that  they  could  not  obtain  a  controul 
over  the  intended  conftitution  by  a  feparate  vote,  they  prepared 
themfelves  for  their  final  objeft — that  of  confpiring  againft  the  Na- 
tional Aflembly,  and  overthrowing  it. 

The  next  morning,  the  door  of  the  chamber  of  the  National  Af- 
femblv  was  fhut  againft  them,  and  guarded  by  troops;  and  the 
members  were  refufed  admittance.  On  this,  they  withdrew  to  a 
tenis-ground  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Verfailles,  as  the  moft  con- 
venient place  they  could  find,  and,  after  their  renewing  their  feffion, 
took  an  oath  never  to  feparate  from  each  other,  under  any  circum- 
ftances  whatever,  death  excepted,  until  they  had  eftablilhed  a  con- 
ftitution. As  the  experiment  of  fhutting  up  the  houfe  had  no  other 
efifeft  than  that  of  producing  a  clofer  connexion  in  the  Mem.bers, 
it  was  opened  again  the  next  day,  and  the  public  bufinefs  recom- 
menced in  the  ufual  place. 

We  now  are  to  have  in  view  the  forming  of  the  new  Miniftry, 
which  was  to  accomplifli  the  overthrow  of  the  National  Aflembly. 
But  as  force  wouM  be  necefl'ary,  orders  were  iffued  to  alfemble  thir- 
ty thoufand  troops,  the  command  of  which  w^as  given  to  Broglio, 
one  of  tlic' new-intended  Miniftry,  who  was  recalled  from  the  coun- 
try for  this  purpofe.  But  as  fome  management  was  necelTary  to 
keep  this  plan  concealed  till  the  moment  it  fliould  be  ready  for  ex- 
ecution, it  is  to  this  policy  that  a  declaration  made  by  Count  D'Ar- 
tois niuft  be  attributed,  and  which  is  here  proper  to  be  introduced. 

It 


(  63   ) 

It  could  not  but  occur,  that  while  ihe  mal-contents  continued  to 
refort  to  their  chambers,  feparate  iroin  the  National  Allen^bly,  that 
more  jealoufy  would  be  excited  than  \\  they  were  mixed  with  if, 
and  that  the  plot  might  be  fiupecled.  But  as  they  had  taken  their 
ground,  and  now  wanted  a  pretence  for  quitting  it,  it  was  necelTary 
that  one  (hould  be  deviled.  This  was  cifeBually  accomplifhed  by 
a  declaration  made  by  Count  D'Artois,  "  Ikai  if  they  took  not  a 
"  part  in  the  National  AJfembly,  the  life,  (f  the  King  would  be  en- 
"  danger ed;''  on  which  they  quitted  their  chambers,  and  mixed 
with  the  AiTembly  in  one  body. 

At  the  time  this  declaration  was  made,  it  was  generally  treated  as 
a  piece  of  abfurdity  in  Count  D'Artois,  and  calculated  merely  to 
relieve  the  outftanding  Members  of  the  two  chambers  from  the  di- 
minutive fituation  they  were  put  in  ;  and  if  nothing  more  had  fol- 
lowed, this  conclufion  would  have  been  good.  But  as  things  belt, 
explain  themfelves  by  their  events,  this  apparent  union  was  only  a 
cover  to  the  machinations  which  were  fecretly  going  on  ;  and  the; 
declaration  accommodated  iifelf  to  anfwer  that  purpofe.  In  a  little 
time  the  National  Affembly  found  itfelf  furrounded  by  troops,  and 
thoufands  more  were  daily  arriving.  On  this  a  very  flrong  de- 
claration was  made  by  the  National  AfTembly  to  the  King,  rernon- 
llrating  on  the  impropriety  of  the  meafure,  and  demanding  the  rea- 
fon.  Die  King,  v/ho  was  not  in  the  fecret  of  this  bufinefs,  as  him- 
felf  afterwards  declared,  gave  fubltantially  for  anfwer,  that  he  had 
no  other  objeft  in  view  than  to  preferve  ihe  public  tranquility, 
which  appeared  to  be  much  diflurbed. 

But  in  a  few  days  from  this  time,  the  p'oi  unravelled  itfeU.  M. 
Neckar  and  the  Mini  (fry  were  difplaced,  and  a  new  one  formed,  of 
the  enemies  of  the  Revolution;  aid  Broglio,  with  between  twenty- 
five  and  thirty  thoufand  foreign  troops,  was  arrived  tofupporr  them. 
The  mafk  was  now  thrown  off,  and  matters  were  come  to  a  crifis. — 
The  event  was,  that  in  the  fpace  of  three  days,  the  new  Miniflry 
and  their  abettors  found  it  prudent  to  fly  the  nation  ;  the  Baitille 
was  taken,  and  Broglio  and  his  foreign  troops  difperfed ;  as  is  al- 
ready related  in  the  tore  part  of  this  work. 

There  are  fome  curious  circumffances  in  the  hiftory  of  this  fhort- 
lived  miniflry,  and  this  fliort- lived  attempt  at  a  counter-revolution. 
The  palace  of  Verfaiiles,  where  the  Court  was  fating,  was  not 
more  than  four  hundred  yards  dilfant  from  the  hall  where  the  Na- 
tional  Affembly  was  fitting.  The  two  places  were  at  this  moment 
like  the  feparate  head- quarters  of  two  combatant  armies;  yet  the 
Court  was  as  perfeftly  ignorant  of  the  information  which  had  ar- 
rived from  Paris  to  the  National  Affembly,  as  if  it  had  rcfjded  at 
an  hundred  miles  dillaace.     The  then  Marquis  de  ia  Fayette,  who 


(   6-1   ) 

(asbas  been  already  mentioned)  was  chofen  toprefide  in  the  National 
Aflembly,  on  this  particular  occaOon,  named,  by  order  of  the  Af- 
fcmbly,  three  fucceflive  deputations  to  the  King,  on  the  day,  and 
up  to  the  evening  on  which  the  BaftUle  was  taken,  to  inform  and 
confer  with  him  on  the  Hate  of  affairs;  but  the  miniftry,  who  knew 
not  lo  much  as  that  it  was  attacked,  precluded  all  communication, 
and  were  iolacine  themfelves  how  dexteroufly  they  had  fucceeded  ; 
but  in  a  few  hours  the  accounts  arrived  fo  thick  and  faft,  that  they 
bad  to  Hart  from  their  defks  and  run.  Some  fct  off  in  one  diiguife, 
and  fome  in  another,  and  none  in  their  own  chara6ler.  Their 
anxiety  now  was  to  outride  the  news  left  they  fliould  be  flopped, 
which,  though  it  flew  faft,  flew  not  fo  fail;  as  themfelves. 

It  is  worth  remarking,  thit  the  National  Affembly  neither  pur- 
fued  thofe  fugitive  confpirators,  nor  took  any  notice  of  them,  nor 
fought  to  retaliate  in  any  Ihape  whatever.  Occupied  with  eftablifti- 
ing  a  conftitution,  founded  on  the  Rights  of  Man  and  the  authority 
of  the  People,  the  only  authority  on  which  government  has  a  right 
to  exift  in  any  country,  the  National  Affembly  felt  none  of  thofe 
mean  paffions  which  mark  the  chara6ler  of  impertinent  governments 
founding  themfelves  on  their  own  authority,  or  on  the  abfurdity  of 
hereditary  fucceffion.  It  is  ihe  faculty  of  the  human  mind  to  be- 
come what  it  contemplates,  and  to  a6f  in  unifon  with  its  objeft. 

The  confpiracy  being  thus  difperfed,  one  of  the  firft  works  of  the 
National  AlTembly,  inftead  of  vindiftive  proclamations,  as  has  been 
the  cafe  with  other  governments,  was  to  publifh  a  Declaration  of 
the  Rights  of  Man,  as  the  bafis  on  which  the  new  conftitution  was 
to  be  buiit,  and  which  is  here  fuhjoined. 

DECLARATION   of  the  RIGHTS  of  MAN  and  oj 
CITIZENS. 

By  the  NATIONAL  ASSEMBLY  ^/FRANCE. 

"  THE  Reprefentatives  of  the  People  of  France  formed  into 
a  National  Affembly,  confidering  that  ignorance,  negleft,  or  con- 
tempt of  human  rights,  are  the  fole  caufes  of  pubhc  misfortunes 
and  corruptions  of  government,  have  relolved  to  fet  forth  in  a  fo- 
lemn  declaration,  thefe  natural,  imprefcriptible,  and  unalienable 
rights :  That  this  declaration  being  conftantly  prefent  to  the  minds 
of  the  members  of  the  body  focial,  they  may  be  ever  kept  attentive 
to  their  rights  and  their  duties :  That  the  a6is  of  the  legiflative  and 
executive  powers  of  government,  being  capable  of  being  every  mo- 
ment compared  with  the  end  of  political  inftitutions,  may  be  more 
r«Ipeaed;  and  alfo,  that  the  future  claims  of  the  citizens,  being 

dire6led 


(   65   ) 

direfled  by  fimple  and  inconteftlble  principles,  may  always  tend  to 
the  niaintenance  of  the  conftitutioi),  and  the  general  happinefs. 

**  For  thefe  reafons  the  National  Assembly  doth  r-^cognlzc 
and  declare,  in  the  prefence  of  the  SUPREME  BEING,  and 
with  the  hope  of  his  bleflTing  and  favour,  the  following  /acred 
rights  of  men  and  of  citizens: 

*  I.  Men  are  born  and  always  continue  free ^  and  equal  in  refped  to 
^  their  rights.     Civil  dijlindions  therefor e^  can  he  founded  only  on 

*  public  utility, 

*  II.  The  end  of  all  political  affociations  is  the  prefer vation  of  the 
^  natural  and  imprefcriptible  rights  of  man;  and  thefe  rights  are  li^ 

*  berty^  property,  fee urity,  and  refifance  of  oppreffon, 

*  III.   The  nation  is  effentially  the  four ce  of  all  fovereignty  ;  nor 

*  cfl«  a/?)/ INDIVIDUAL,  or   K'i^^   BODY    OF    MEN,  be  entitled  to 

*  any  authority  which  is  not  exprefsly  derived  from  it. 

*  IV.  Political  liberty  confifts  in  the  power  of  doing  whatever  does 

*  not  injure  another.     The  exercife  of  the  natural  rights  of  every 

*  man,  has  no  other  limits  than  thofe  which  are  ncceltary  to  feciire 

*  to  every  other  man  the  free  exercife  of  the  fame  rights ;  and  thefe 

*  linjits  are  determinable  pnly  by  the  law. 

*  V.  The  law  ought  to  prohibit  only  aftions  hurtful  to  (ociety. — 

*  What  is  not  prohibited  by  the  law,  fnould  not  be  hindered ;  nor 

*  fliould  any  one  be  compelled  to  that  which  the  law  does  not  re- 

*  quire. 

*  VI.  The  law  is  an  exprelTion  of  the  will  of  the  community.— 

*  AH  citizens  have  a  right  to  concur,  either  perfonally,  or  by  their 

*  reprefentatives,  in  its  formation.     It  fliould  be  the  fame  to  all, 

*  whether  it  protefts  or  punifhes ;  and  all  being  equal  in  its  fight^ 

*  are  equally  eligible  to  all  honours,  places,  and  employments,  accord' 

*  ing  to  their  different  abilities,  without  any  other  diftinLlion  than  that 

*  created  by  their  virtues  and  talents. 

*  VII.  No  man  fhould  be  accufed,  arrefted,  or  held  in  confine- 

*  ment,  except  in  cafes  determined  by  the  law,  and  according  to  the 

*  forms  which  it  has  prefcribed.    All  who  promote,  folicit,  e^aecute, 

*  or  caufe  to  be  executed,  arbitrary  orders,  ought  to  be  punillied ; 

*  and  every  citizen  called  upon,  or  apprehended  by  virtue  of  the 

*  law,  ought  immediately  to  obey,  and  renders  himfelf  culp^b^J)y 

*  re<iifance. 

*  VIII.  The  law  ought  to  impofc  no  other  penalties  than  fuch  as 

*  are  abfolutely  and  evidently  necefl'ary  :    and  no  one  ought  to   be 

*  puniOied,    but  in  virtue  of  a  law  promulgated  before  the  offence, 

*  and  legally  applied. 

*  IX.  Every  man  being  prelumed  innocent  till  he  has  been  con- 
vifted,  whenever  his   detention  becomes   indilpenlible,  all  rigour 

I  '  to 


(   66   ) 

*  toirun,  more  tlian  is  necefTary  to  fecure  his  pcrfon,  ought  to  be 

*  provldetl  againd  by  the  law. 

*  X.  No  man  ought  to  he  mo'efted  on  account  of  his  opinions, 

*  not  even  on  account  of  his  r^'ligious  opinions,  provided  his  avow^ 

*  al  o\  ihem  does  not  difturh  the  public  order  eftabhflied  by  the  law. 

*  XI.  The  nnredrained  communication  of  thoughts  and  opinions 

*  being  one  oi  the  moil  precious  rights  of  man,  every  citizen  may 

*  fpeak,  write,  and  pubhOi  freely»  provided  he  is  refponfible  tor  the 

*  abufe  of  this  liberty  in  cafes  determined  by  the  law. 

'  XII.  A  public   force  being   neceiTary  to  give  fecnrify  to  the 

*  rights  of  men  and  ot  citizens,  that  lorce  is  inftituted  tor  the  be- 

*  nefit  of  the  communitv,  and  not  for  the  particular  benefit  of  the 

*  perfonsVith  whom  it  is  entruiled. 

*  XIII.  A  common  contribution  being  neceflary  for  the  fupport 

*  of  the  public  force,  and  for  defraying  the  other  expcnces  of  go^ 

*  vernment,  it  ought  to  be  divided  equally  among  the   members  of 

*  the  community,  according  to  their  abilities. 

*  XIV.  Every  citizen  has  a  right,  either  by  himfelf,  or  his  re- 

*  prefentative,  to  a  free  voice  in  determining  the  neceflity  of  pub- 

*  lie  contributions,  the  appropriation  of  them,  and  their  amount, 

*  mode  of  aireffment,  and  duration. 

*  XV.  F.very  community  has  a  right  to  demand  of  all  its  agents, 

*  an  account  of  their  condu61. 

'  XVI.  Every  community  in  which  a  feparation  of  powers  and 

*  a  fecurity  of  rights  is  not  provided  for,  wants  a  conftitution. 

*  XVII.  The  right  to  property  being  inviolable  and  facred,  no 

*  one  ought  to  be  deprived  of  it,  except  in  cafes  of  evident  public 
«  neceflity  legacy  afcertained,  and  on  condition  of  a  previous  juft 

*  indemnity." 

OBSERVATIONS  on   the  DECLARATION   of 
RIGHTS. 

The  three  firfi:  articles  comprehend  in  general  terms,  the  whole 
of  a  Declaration  of  Rights:  All  the  fucceeding  articles  either  ori. 
ginate  from  them,  or  follow  as  elucidations.  The  4th,  5th,  and  6th, 
define  more  particularly  what  is  only  generally  expreffed  in  the  ift, 
ad,  and  3d. 

The  7th,  8th,  gth,  10th,  and  1  ith  articles,  are  declaratory  of /?n»- 
ciples  upon  which  laws  (hall  be  conflruBed  conformable  to  rights 
already  declared.  But  it  is  queftioned  by  fome  very  good  people 
in  France,  as  well  as  in  other  countries,  whether  the  loih  article 
fufficientlv  guarantees  the  right  it  is  intended  to  accord  with :  Be- 
iides  which!  it  takes  off  from  the  divine  dignity  of  religion,  and 
weakens  its  operative  force  upon  the  misd  to  make  it  a  fubjeft  of  hu. 

man 


(  6;  ) 

man  laws.  It  then  prefents  itfelf  to  Man,  like  light  intercepted  by 
a  cloudy  medium,  in  which  the  fource  of  it  is  obfcured  from  his 
fight,  and  he  fees  nothing  to  reverence  in  the  duiky  ray.* 

The  remaining  articles,  beginning  with  the  i'2\h,  die  fubftaniially 
contained  in  the  principles  of  the  preceding  articles ;  but,  in  *he 
particular  fituation  which  France  then  was,  having  to  undo  v.7hat 
was  wrong,  as  well  as  to  fet  up  what  was  right,  it  was  proper  to  be 
more  particular  than  what  in  another  condition  of  things  would  be 
necefTary. 

While  the  Declaration  of  Rights  was  before  the  National  AfTem- 
bly,  fome  of  its  members  remarked,  that  if  a  Declaration  of  rights 
was  publifhed,  it  fhould  b«  accompanied  by  a  declaration  ot  duties. 
The  obfervation  difcovered  a  mind  that  refle6led,  and  it  only  erred 
by  not  reflefting  far  enough.  A  Declaration  of  Rights  is,  by  re- 
ciprocity, a  Declaration  of  Duties  alfo.  Whatever  is  my  right  as 
a  man,  is  alfo  the  right  of  another;  and  it  becomes  my  duty  to 
guarantee,  as  well  as  to  pofTefs. 

The  three  firft  articles  are  the  bafis  of  Liberty,  as  well  individual 
as  national ;  nor  can  any  country  be  called  free,  whofe  government 
does  not  take  its  beginning  from  the  principles  they  Cvontain,  and 
continue  to  preferve  them  pure  ;  and  the  whole  of  the  Declaration 
of  Rights  is  of  more  value  to  the  world,  and  will  do  more  good, 
than  all  the  laws  and  ffatutes  that  have  yet  been  promulgated. 

In  the  declaratory  exodium  which  prefaces  the  Declaration  of 
Rights,  we  fee  the  folemn  and  majellic  fpetfacle  of  a  Nation  open- 
ing its  commiflion,  under  the  aulpices  of  its  Creator,  toeflablilh  a 
government ;  a  fcene  fo  new,  and  lb  traafcendeiuly  uneq^ualled  by 

any 

*  There  is  a  fingle  idea,  which,  if  it  ftriket  riwhtly  upon  the  mind 
either  io  a  legal  or  a  religioui  fenfe,  will  prevent  any  man,  oi  any  ho- 
Hy  of  men,  or  any  gov  rnment,  from  going  wrons;  on  the  fuhjef't  of 
Religion  ;  which  i«,  that  before  any  human  iuftituiions  of  govern- 
ment were  known  in  the  woild,  ilvere  exificd,  if  I  may  fr>  expref*  ir, 
a  compai:^  between  God  and  Man,  from  ibe  beginumg  of  iirue,  and 
thatu  the  relatioa  ?.n^  condition  which  man  in  his  iaAw'.dual  peiloa 
(lands  ia  towards  his  Miker  cannot  be  chacgrd,  or  any  ways  altered 
by  any  hi'man  laws  or  human  autho^i  y,  that  leh^ions  devotion,  which 
jk  a  part  of  this  corapaft,  cannot  fo  much  as  br  made  a  fubjcd  o£  hu- 
man laws  }  and  that  all  laws  muft  conform  themlelves  to  this  pri'»c 
exifting  compad,  anduct  affume  to  m3ke  the  compact  conform  to  the 
Jaws,  which,  beHdes  being  human,  aie  fubfeq  jent  thereto.  The  firrt 
ad  of  man,  when  he  looked  around  and  faw  himfelf  a  creature  which 
he  did  not  make,  and  a  world  furnifhed  for  his  reception,  moft  have 
been  devotion  j  and  devotion  mwft  ever  continue  facred  to  every  indi- 
vidual man,  as  it  appears  I'l^ht  to  him  -,  and  governments  do  mifchicf 
by  iuierfcriu5. 


(  68  ) 

any  thing  in  the  European  world,  thatthe  name  of  a  Revolution  is 
diminutive  of  its  charafter,  and  it  rifes  into  a  Regeneratiou  of  man. 
Wiiat  are  the  prefent  Governinents  of  Europe,  but  a  fcene  of  ini- 
quity and  oppreffion  ?  What  is  that  of  England  ?  Do  not  its  own 
inhabitants  lay,  It  is  a  market  where  every  man  has  his  price,  and 
where  corruption  is  common  traffic,  at  the  expence  ot  a  deluded 
people  ?  No  wonder,  then,  that  the  French  Revolution  is  traduced. 
Had  it  confined  itfeli  merely  to  the  deftruftion  of  flagrant  defpotifm 
perhaps  Mr.  Burke  and  fome  others  had  been  filent.  Their  cry 
now  is,  "  It  has  gone  too  far  :"  that  is,  it  has  gone  too  far  for  them. 
It  flares  corruption  in  the  face,  and  the  venal  tribe  are  all  alarmed. 
Their  fear  difcovers  itfelf  in  their  outrage,  and  they  are  but  publifli- 
ing  the  groans  of  a  wounded  vice.  But  from  fuch  oppofition,  the 
French  Revolution,  inftead  of  fufFering,  receives  an  homage.  The 
more  it  is  flruck,  the  more  fparks  it  will  emit ;  and  the  fear  is,  it 
will  not  be  fliuck  enough.  It  has  nothing  to  dread  from  attacks  : 
Truth  has  given  it  an  eflablifliment ;  and  that  Time  will  record  it 
v.'ith  a  name  as  lafting  as  his  own. 

Having  now  traced  the  progrefs  of  the  French  Revolution 
through  moil  of  its  principal  ftages,  from  its  commencement  to  the 
takingof  the  BaftiMe,  and  its  eftablifhment  by  the  De«laration  of 
Rights,  1  will  clofe  the  fubjeft  v.'ith  the  energetic  apoftrophe  of  M. 
de  la  Fayette. — May  this  great  monu?nent  raijed  to  Liberty,  ferve  as  a 
l^Jfon  to  the  opprejfor,  and  an  example  to  the  oppreffed !  * 

MISCELLANEOUS     CHAPTER. 

To  prevent  interrupting  the  argument  in  the  preceding  part  of 
this  work,  or  the  narrative  that  follows  it,  I  referved  fome  obfer- 
vations  to  be  thrown  together  into  a  Mifcellaneous  Chapter;  by 
which  variety  might  not  be  cenfured  for  confufion.  Mr.  Burke's 
Book  is  ail  Mifceliany.  His  intention  was  to  make  an  attack  on 
the  French  Revolution  ;  but  inftead  of  proceeding  with  an  orderly 
arrangement,  he  has  ftormed  it  with  a  Mob  of  ideas  tumbling  over 
and  deflroyed  one  another. 

But  this  confufion  and  contradiftion  in  Mr.  Burke's  Book,  is 
eafily  accounted  for.  When  a  man  in  a  long  caufe  attempts  to 
fleer  his  courfe  by  any  thing  elfe  than  fome  polar  truth  or  ptinciple, 
he  is  fure  to  be  loft.  It  is  beyond  the  compafs  of  his  capacity,  to 
keep  all  the  parts  of  an  argument  together,  and  make  them  unite  in 

one 

*  See  page  12  of  thit  work.-'-N.  B.  Since  the  taking  of  the  Baftille, 
the  occurreucet  have  been  publiilicd  :  hu:  the  matter!  recorded  in  this 
narrative,  are  prior  10  that  period  ;  and  Tone  of  th^m  aa  ma^  eafilj"  b« 
€60,  ca»  be  but  verj  little  koown. 


(   69    ) 

one  ilTue,  by  any  other  means  than  having  this  guide  always  in  view. 
Neither  memory  nor  invention  will  fupply  the  want  of  it.  The 
former  falls  him,  and  the  latter  betrays  him. 

Nouvithllanding  the  nonienfe,  for  it  defcrvcs  no  better  name, 
that  Mr.  Burke  has  afTerted  about  hereditary  rights,  and  hereditary 
furxeflion,  and  that  a  Nation  has  not  a  right  to  form  a  Government 
for  itfelf;  it  happened  to  fall  in  his  way  to  give  fome  account  of 
what  government  is.  *'  Government,  fays  he,  is  a  contrivance  of  hu- 
man    luifdomr 

Admiting  that  government  is  a  contrivance  of  human  wifdom,  it 
inuft  neceltarily  follow,  that  hereditary  fuccefTion,  and  hereditary 
rights,  (as  they  are  called)  can  make  no  part  of  it,  becaufe  it  is  impof- 
fibleto  make  wildom  hereditary  ;  and  on  the  other  hand,  that  can- 
not be  a  wife  contrivance,  which  in  its  operation  may  commit  the 
government  of  a  nation  to  the  wifdom  of  an  ideot.  The  ground 
which  Mr  Burke  now  takes  is  fatal  to  every  part  of  his  caufe.  The 
argument  changes  from  hereditary  rights  to  heriditary  wifdom ;  and 
the  queftion  is.  Who  is  the  wiieft  man  ?  He  muff  now  (hew  that  e- 
very  one  in  the  line  of  hereditary  fucceflion  was  a  Soloman,  or  his 
title  is  not  good  to  be  a  king.  What  a  ftroke  has  Mr.  Burke  now 
made.  To  ufe  a  failor's  phrafe,  he  has  fwahhed  the  deck,  and  fcarce- 
ly  left  a  name  legible  in  the  lift  of  kings :  and  he  has  mowed  down 
and  thined  the  Houfe  of  Peers,  with  a  fcythe  as  formidable  as  Death 
and  Time. 

But,  Mr,  Burke  appears  to  have  been  aware  of  this  retort,  and 
he  has  taken  care  to  guard  agalnft  it,  by  making  governmsnt  to  be 
not  only  a  contrivance  of  human  wifdom,  but  a  monopoly  of  wif- 
dom. He  puts  the  nation  as  fools  on  one  fide,  and  places  his  go- 
vernm.ent  of  wifdom,  all  wife  men  of  Gotham,  on  the  other  fide  : 
and  he  then  proclaims,  and  fays,  that  "  M.en  have  a  RIGHT  that 
«*  M«V  WANTS  fliouldhe  provided  for  by  this  wifdonu'  Having 
thus  made  proclamation,  he  next  proceeds  to  explain  to  them 
what  their  zoants  are,  and  alfo  what  their  rights  are.  In  this  he  has 
fucceeded  dextroufly,  for  he  makes  their  wants  to  be  a  xcant  ot 
wifdom  :  but  as  this  is  but  cold  comfort,  he  then  informs  them, 
that  they  have  a  right  (not  to  any  of  the  wifdom j  but  to  be  govern- 
ed by  it':  and  in  order  to  imprcfs  them  with  a  folcmn  reverei!ce  lor 
this  monopoly-government  of  wifdom,  and  of  its  vaft  capacity  for 
all  purpofes,  polTible  for  impolfible,  right  or  wrong,  he  proceeds 
with  ariftrological  myfterious  importance,  to  tell  them  its  powers. 
in  thefe  words — "  The  Rights  of  men  in  government  are  their  ad- 
"  vantages  :  and  thefe  are  often  in  balances  between  differences  ot 
"  good  ;  and  in  compromifes  fometimesi  between  good  and  tviU  and 
"  loraetimes  between  ivil  and  tviL     Political  reafon  is  a  computing 

pnncipU  ; 


(    70   ) 

"  principle ;  adding,  fubtrafting,  multiplying,  and  dividing,  mo- 
"  rally,  and  not  metaphyfically,  or  mathematically,  true  moral 
*•  denionftrations.'* 

As  the  wondering  audience  whom  Mr.  Burke  fuppofes  himfelf 
talking  to,  may  not  underftand  all  this  learned  jargon,  1  will  un- 
dertake to  be  its  interpreter.  The  meaning  then,  good  people,  of 
all  this  is.  That  government  is  governed  by  no  principle  whatever  \ 
that  It  can  make  evil  good,  or  good  evil,  jujl  as  it  plea/es,  Injhort^ 
that  govermntnt  is  arbitrary  pozoer. 

But  there  are  fome  things  which  Mr.  Burke  has  forgotten.  Firji, 
He  has  not  ftiewn  where  the  wifdom  originally  came  from  :  and 
Jetohdly,  he  has  not  Ihewn  by  what  authority  it  firft  began  to  a6l. 
In  ihe  manner  he  introduces  the  matter,  it  is  either  government 
ftealing  wifdom,  or  wifdom  Healing  government.  It  is  without  an 
origin,  and  its  powers  without  authority.  In  fhort,  it  is  ufurpation^ 

Whether  it  be  from  a  fenie  of  fhame,  or  from  a  confcioufnefs 
oflome  radical  defeft  in  a  government  necefTary  to  be  kept  out  o{ 
fight,  or  from  both,  or  from  any  other  caufe,  I  undertake  not  to 
determine;  but  fo  it  is,  that  a  monarchial  reafoner  never  traces 
government  to  its  fource,  or  from  its  fource.  It  is  one  of  thcjhib- 
boleths  by  which  he  may  be  known.  A  thoufand  years  hence,  thofe 
who  fhall  live  in  America  or  in  France,  will  look  back  with  con- 
templative pride  on  the  origin  of  their  governments,  and  fay.  This 
XDas  the  work  of  our  glorious  anceftors  !  But  what  can  a  monarchial 
talker  lay?  What  has  he  to  exult  in  ?  Alas!  he  has  nothing.  A 
certain  fomething  forbids  him  to  took  back  to  beginning,  left  fome 
robber  or  lome  Robin  Hood  fhould  rife  from  the  long  obfcurity  oi 
time,  and  fay,  lam  the  origin.  Hard  as  Mr.  Burke  laboured  the 
Regency  Bill  and  hereditary  luccefTion  two  years  ago,  and  much 
as  he  dived  for  precedents  he  ftill  had  not  boldnefs  enough  to  bring 
up  William  of  Normandy,  and  fay  There  is  the  /zead  of  the  lift, 
there  is  the  fountain  of  honour,  the  fon  of  a  proftitute  and  the  plun- 
derer of  the  Englifh  nation. 

The  opinions  of  men  with  refpeft  to  government  are  changing 
fait  in  all  countries.  The  revolutions  ot  America  and  France  have 
thrown  a  beam  of  light  over  the  world,  which  reaches  into  man. 
The  enormous  expence  of  governments  has  provoked  people  to 
think,  by  making  them  teel :  and  when  once  the  veil  begins  to 
rend,  it  admits  not  of  repair.  Ignorance  is  of  a  peculiar  nature: 
once  difpelled,  and  it  is  impoflibletore-eftablifh  it.  It  is  not  origin- 
ally a  thing  ot  itfelf,  but  is  only  the  abfence  of  knowledge;  and 
though  man  may  be  kept  ignorant,  he  cannot  be  made  ignorant.  The 
mind,  in  difcovering  truth,  afts  in  the  fame  manner  as  it  a61s  through 
the  eye  in  difcovenng  obje6ls  ;    when  once  any    obje6l  has  been 

leen. 


(   7'    ) 

fefcn,  it  is  impoflible  to  put  the  mind  back  to  the  fame  conaltlon  It 
was  in  before  it  faw  it.  Thofe  who  talk  ot  a  counter-revokition 
in  France,  (hew  how  little  tiiey  underftand  of  man.  There  does 
not  exift  in  the  compafsof  language,  an  arrangement  of  words  to 
cxprefs  fo  much  as  the  means  ot  effefcling  a  counter-vevolution. 
The  means  muft  be  an  obliteration  of  knowledge ;  and  it  has  never 
yet  been  difcovered,  how  to  make  man  unknow  his  knowledge,  or 
nnthink  his  thoughts. 

Mr.  Burke  is  labouring  in  vain  to  flop  the  progrefs  of  know- 
ledge ;  and  it  comes  with  the  worfe  grace  trom  bim,  as  there  is  a 
certain>ranfa6lion  known  in  the  city,  which  renders  him  fufpeCied 
of  being  a  penfioner  in  a  fiftitious  nam^e-  This  may  account  for 
(ome  ftrange  doftrine  he  has  advanced  in  his  book,  which,  thou^rh 
he  points  it  at  the  Revolution  Society,  is  efFeftually  directed  againffc 
the  whole  Nation. 

*•  The  King  of  England,"  fays  he,  "  hoMs  his  Crown  (for  it 
'*  does  not  belong  to  the  nation,  according  to  Mr.  Burke,)  in 
•*  contempt  of  the  choice  of  the  Revolution  Society,  who  have  not 
**  a  fingle  vote  for  a  King  among  them  either  individually  or  collec- 
"  lively  ;  and  his  Majefly's  heirs,  each  in  their  time  and  order. 
**  will  come  to  the  Crown  with  the  fame  contempt  of  their  choice 
"  with  which  his  Majefty  has  fucceeded  to  that  which  he  now 
*•  wears." 

As  to  who  is  king  in  England,  or  elfewhere,  or  whether  there 
is  any  king  at  all,  or  whether  the  people  chufe  a  Cherokee  Chief, 
or  a  HefTian  Huilar  for  a  king,  it  is  not  a  matter  that  I  trouble 
myfelf  about,  be  that  to  themfelves ;  but  with  refpeft  to  the  doc- 
trine, io  far  as  it  relates  to  the  Rights  of  Men  and  Nations,  it  is  as 
abominable  as  any  thing  ever  uttered  in  the  moll  enilaved  country 
under  Heaven.  Whether  it  founds  worfe  to  my  ear,  by  not  being 
accuftomed  to  hear  fuch  defpotifm,  than  what  it  does  to  the  ear  ot 
another  perfon,  I  am  not  fo  well  a  judge  of  ;  but  of  its  abominable 
principle,  I  am  at  no  lofs  to  judge. 

it  is  not  the  Revolution  Society  that  Mr.  Burke  means;  it  is  the 
Xation,  as  well  in  its  original,  as  in  its  reprefentative  charader;  and 
he  has  taken  care  to  make  hunfelf  umleritood,  by  faying  that  tliey 
have  not  a  vote  either  colkBively  or  individually.  The  Revolution 
Society  is  compofed  of  citizens  of  all  denominations,  and  of  mem- 
bers of  both  the  Houfes  of  Parliament ;  and  conlequently,  if  there  is 
not  a  right  to  vote  in  any  of  the  characlers,  there  can  be  no  right  to 
any  either  in  the  nation,  or  in  its  parliament.  This  ought  to  be  a 
caution  to.  every  country,  how  it  imports  foreign  families  to  be 
kings.  It  is  foinewhat  curious  to  obferve,  that  although  the  people 
of  England  have  been  in  ihe  habit  of  talking  about  kings,  ii  is  al- 
ways 


(  r-  ) 

ways  a  foreign  houfe  of  kings ;  hating  foreigners,  yet  governed  by 
them.  It  is  now  the  Houfe  of  Brunfwick,  one  of  the  petty  tribes 
of  Germany. 

It  has  hitherto  been  the  pra6lice  of  the  Englifh  Parliaments,  to 
regulate  what  was  called  the  fuccefiion,  (taking  it  for  granted,  that 
the  nation  then  continued  to  accord  to  the  form  of  annexing  a  mo- 
narchial  branch  to  its  government;  for  without  this,  the  parlia- 
ment could  not  have  had  authority  to  have  fent  to  Holland  or  to 
Hanover,  or  to  imoofo  a  king  upon  the  nation  againft  its  will.)  And 
this  mull  be  the  utmoft  limit  to  which  parliament  can  go  upon  this 
cale;  but  the  right  of  the  nation  goes  to  the  whoh  cafe,  becaufe  it 
has  the  right  of  changing  its  whole  form  of  government.  The  right 
of  a  parliament  is  only  a  right  in  trull,  a  right  by  delegation,  and 
that  but  Irom  a  very  fmall  part  of  the  nation  ;  and  one  oi  its  Houfes 
has  not  even  this.  But  the  right  of  the  nation  is  an  original  right, 
as  univerfal  as  taxation.  The  nation  is  the  paymafter  of  every 
thing,  and  everything  muft  conform  to  its  general  will. 

1  remember  taking  notice  of  a  fpeech  in  what  is  called  the  Eng- 
lifli  Houle  of  Peers,  by  the  then  Earl  of  Shelburne,  and  I  think  it 
was  at  the  time  he  was  minifter,  which  is  applicable  to  this  cafe, 
I  do  not  dijreftly  charge  my  memory  with  every  particular  ;  but 
the  words  and  the  purport,  as  nearly  as  I  remember,  were  thefe  : 
That  thiform  of  a  government  was  a  matter  wholly  at  the  will  of  a 
Nation  at  all  limes :  that  if  it  chofe  a  monarchial  form,  it  had  a  right 
to  have  it  fo  ;  and  if  it  afterzuards"  chofe  to  be  a  Republic y  it  had  a 
right  to  be  a  Republic,  and  to  fay  to  a  King,  zee  "have  no  longer  any 
occafionfor  you. 

When  Mr.  Burke  fays  that  "  His  Majefty's  heirs  and  fuccef- 
"  fors,  each  in  their  time  and  order,  will  come  to  the  crown  with 
"  \\\t  fame  contempt  of  their  choice  with  which  his  Majefty  has 
"  fucceeded  to  that  he  wears,'*  it  is  faying  too  much  even  to  the 
humbled  individual  in  the  country  ;  part  of  whofe  daily  Jabour 
goes  towards  making  up  the  million  fterling  a  year,  which  the 
country  gives  the  perfoii  it  ftiles  a  King.  Government  with  info- 
lence,  is  defpotifm;  but  when  contempt  is  added,  it  becomes 
worfe  ;  and  to  pay  for  contempt  is  the  excefs  of  flavery.  This  fpe- 
cies  of  government  comes  from  Germany  ;  and  reminds  me  of 
what  one  of  the  Brunfwick  foldiers  told  me,  who  was  taken  pri- 
foner  by  the  Americans  in  the  late  war:  "  Ah!"  faid  he,  "  Ame- 
*'  rica  is  a  fine  free  country,  it  is  worth  the  people's  fighting  tor  ; 
*'  I  know  the  difference  by  knowing  my  own  ;  in  my  country,  it 
*'  the  prince  fays,  Eat  flraw,  we  eat  flraw." — God  help  that  coun- 
try, thought  I,  be  it  England  or  clfewhere,  whofe  liberties  are  to  be 
prote61ed  by  German  principles  of  govcrr.nieni,  and  princes  ot 
Brunfwick.  Ai 


(    73    ] 

As  Mr.  Burke  fometlmes  fpeaks  of  England,  fometimes  of  France, 
and  fometimes  ot  the  world,  and  of  government  in  genera',  it  is  dif- 
ficult to  anfwer  his  book  without  apparently  meeting  him  on  the 
fame  ground.  Although  principles  of  government  are  general  fub- 
jefts,  it  is  next  to  impoffible  in  many  cafes  to  feparate  them  from 
the  idea  of  place  and  circumftances ;  and  the  more  fo  when  cir- 
cumftances  are  put  for  arguments,  which  is  frequently  the  cafe  with 
Mr.  Burke. 

In  the  former  part  of  his  book,  addrefTing  himfelf  to  the  peoplvi 
of  France,  he  fays,  "  No  experience  has  taught  us,  (meaning  the 
"  Englifli)  that  in  any  other  courfe  or  m.ethcd  than  that  of  an  liert^ 
"  ditary  crown^  can  our  liberties  be  regularly  perpetuated  and  pre- 
*'  ferved  facred  as  our  hereditary  right.''  I  afk  Mr.  Burke  who  is 
to  take  them  away  ?  M.  d£  la  Fayette,  in  fpeaking  to  France,  fays, 
"  For  a  nation  to  befree^  it  is  fufficient  thatjhe  wills  it''  But  Mr. 
Burke  reprefents  England  as  wanting  capacity  to  take  care  of  itfelf; 
and  that  its  liberties  muft  be  taken  care  of  by  the  King,  holding  it  in 
*'  contempt."  If  England  is  funk  to  this,  it  is  preparing  itfelf  to 
eat  flraw,  as  in  Hanover  or  in  Brunfwick.  But  befides  the  folly  of 
the  declaration,  it  happens  that  the  fa6ls  are  all  againft  Mr.  Burke. 
It  was  by  the  government  being  hereditary,  that  the  liberties  of  the 
people  were  endangered.  Charles  the  Firft,  and  James  the  Second, 
are  inftances  of  this  truth;  yet  neither  of  them  went  fo  far  as  to 
hold  the  Nation  in  contempt. 

As  it  is  fometimes  of  advantage  to  the  people  of  one  country,  to 
hear  what  thofe  of  other  countries  have  to  fay  refpeftino-  it,  it  is 
poflTible  that  the  people  of  France  may  learn  Ibmething  from  Mr, 
Burke's  book,  and  that  the  people  of  England  may  alio  learn  fome- 
thing  from  the  anfwers  it  will  occafion.  When  nations  fall  out 
about  freedom,  a  wide  field  of  debate  is  opened.  The  argument 
commences  with  the  rights  of  war,  without  its  evils ;  and  as  know- 
ledge is  the  obje6l  contended  for,  the  parry  that  fuflains  the  defeat 
obtains  the  prize. 

Mr.  Burke  talks  abouf  what  he  calls  an  hereditary  crown,  as  if 
it  were  fome  produftion  of  nature;  or  as  if,  like  time,  it  had  a 
power  to  operate  not  only  independently,  but  in  fpite  of  man  ;  or 
as  if  it  were  a  thing  or  a  fubje6t  univerfally  confented  to.  Alas!  it 
has  none  of  thefe  properties,  but  is  the  reverfe  of  them  all.  It  is 
a  thing  in  imagination,  the  propriety  of  which  vjs  more  than  doubt- 
ed, and  the  legality  of  which  in  a  few  years  will  be  denied. 

But  to  arrange  this  matter  in  a  clearer  view  than  what  general  ex- 
preflions  can  convey,  it  will  be  necelfary  to  ftate  the  di(fin6f  heads 
under  which  (what  is  called)  an  hereditary  crown,  or,  more  properly 
fpeaking,  an  hereditary  fucceffion  to  the  Government  of  a  Nation, 
can  be  confidcred  \  which  are,  Firft, 

K 


(    74   } 

Firft,  The  right  of  a  particular  family  to  eftablilh  itfelf. 
Secondly,  The  right  of  a  Nation  to  eftablilh  a  particular  family. 
With  rcfpe6l  to  the  firji  of  thefe  heads,  that  of  a  tamily  efta- 
blifhing  itfelf  with  hereditary  powers  on  its  own  authority,  and  in- 
dependent oi  the  confeiit  of  a  Nation,  all  men  will  concur  in  call- 
ing it  defpotifm  ;  and  it  would  be  trefpafling  on  their  underftanding 
to  attempt  to  prove  it. 

But  the  fecond  head,  that  of  a  Nation  eftablifhing  a  particular  fa- 
mily with  hereditary  pozuers,  does  not  prefent  itfelf  as  defpotifm  on 
the  firft  refleftiori  ;  but  if  men  will  permit  a  fecond  reflettion  to  take 
^lace,  and  carry  that  refleftion  forward  but  one  remove  out  of  their 
own  perfons  to  that  of  their  offspring,  they  will  then  fee  that 
hereditary  fucceflion  becomes  in  its  confequcnces  the  fame  defpot- 
ifm to  others,  which  they  reprobated  for  themfe'ves.  It  operates 
to  preclude  the  confent  of  the  fucceeding  generation,  and  the  pre- 
clufion  of  confent  is  defpotifm.  When  the  perfon  who  at  any  time 
fhall  be  in  poffeirion  of  a  Government,  or  thofe  who  ftand  in  fuc- 
ceflion to  him,  fhall  fay  to  a  Nation,  I  hold  this  power  in  *'  con- 
tempt" of  you  ;  it  fignifies  not  on  what  authority  he  pretends  to  fay 
it.  It  is  no  relief,  but  an  aggravation  to  a  perfon  in  flavery,  to  re- 
fleft  that  he  was  fold  by  his  parents;  and  as  that  which  heightens 
the  criminality  of  an  aft  cannot  be  produced  to  prove  the  legality  of 
it,  heieditarv  fucceflion  cannot  be  eftablifhed  as  a  legal  thing. 

In  order  to  arrive  at  a  more  perfeft  decifion  on  this  head,  it  will 
be  proper  toconfider  a  generatiorf  which  undertakes  to  eftablifh  a 
family  with  hereditary  pozuers,  a-part  and  feparate  from  the  genera- 
tions which  are  to  follow  ;  and  alfo  to  confider  the  charafter  in 
which  the  Jirji  generation  aft  with  refpeft  to  fucceeding  generations. 
Tlie  generation  which  firft  feiefts  a  perfon,  and  puts  him  at  the 
head  ol  its  Government,  either  with  the  title  of  King,  or  any  other 
diftlnftion,  afts  its  own  choice,  be  it  wife  or  foolifli,  as  a  free  agent 
for  itfelf.  The  perfon  fo  fet  up  is  not  hereditary,  but  felefted  and 
appointed;  and  the  generation  who  fels  him  up,  does  not  live  under 
an  hereditary  government,  but  under  a  government  of  its  own 
choice  and  eftablifhment.  Were  the  generation  who  fcts  him  up, 
and  the  perfon  fo  fet  up,  to  live  forever,  it  never  could  become  he- 
reditary fuccefTion;  and  of  confequence,  hereditary  fucccfTion  can 
only  follow  on  the  death  of  ihe  firft  parties. 

As  therelore  hereditary  fuccefTion  is  out  of  the  queftion  with 
refpeft  to  the  fir/l  generation,  we  have  now  to  confider  the  cha- 
rafter  in  which  that  generation  afts  with  refpe6l  to  the  commencing 
generation,  and  to  all  fucceeding  ones. 

It  afl'umes  a  charafter,  to  which  it  has  neither  right  nor  title.  It 
changes  itfelf  from  a  Legijlator  to  a  Teflator,  and  afFefts  to  make 


(  75  ; 

its  Will,  which  is  to  have  operation  after  the  demiie  of  the  makers, 
to  bequeath  the  Government ;  and  it  not  only  attempts  to  bequeath, 
but  to  eftabhfli  on  the  Succeeding  generation,  a  new  and  different 
form  of  Government  under  which  itfelf  lived.  Itfelf,  as  is  already 
obferved,  lived  not  under  an  hereditary  Government,  but  under  a 
Government  of  its  own  choice  and  eitablifhment ;  and  it  now  at- 
tempts, by  virtue  of  a  will  and  reftamcnt,  (and  which  it  has  not; 
authority  to  make)  to  take  from  the  commencing  generation,  and 
all  future  ones,  the  rights  and  free  agency  by  which  itfelf  aifed. 

But,  exclufive  of  the  right  which  any  generation  has  to  aft  col- 
le6iive?y  as  a  teftator,  the  objefts  to  which  it  appUes  itfelf  in  this 
cafe,  are  not  within  the  compaTs  of  any  law,  or  of  any  will  or 
teftaments. 

The  rights  of  men  in  fociety,  are  neither  devifeable,  nor  tranf- 
ferable,  nor  annihilable,  but  are  defcendable  only  ;  and  it  is  not  in 
the  power  ot  any  generation  to  intercept  finally  and  cut  off  the  de- 
fcent.  If  the  preient  generation,  or  any  other,  are  difpofed  to  be 
Haves,  it  does  not  leffen  the  right  of  the  facceeding  generation  to 
be  free  ;  wrongs  cannot  have  a  legal  defcent.  When  Mr.  Buike 
attempts  to  maintain,  that  the  Enghjli  Nation  did  at  the  Rtvolution  of 
1688  mojl  folemnly  renounce  and  abdicate  their  rights  Jer  thanfelves^ 
and  for  all  their  pojlerity  for  ever,  he  fpeaks  a  language  that  merits 
not  reply,  and  which  can  only  excite  contempt  ior  his  proititute 
principles,  or  pity  lor  his  ignorance. 

In  xvhatever  light  hereditary  fuccefupn,  as  growing  out  of  the 
will  and  teftament  of  fome  former  generation,  prefents  itlelf,  it  is 
an  abfurdity.  A  cannot  make  a  will  to  take  fiom  B  the  property 
ofB,  and  give  it  to  C  ;  yet  this  is  the  manner  in  which  (what  is 
called)  hereditary  fucceffion  by  law,  operates.  A  certain  former 
generation  made  a  will  to  take  away  the  rights  of  the  commencing 
generation  and  all  future  ones,  and  convey  thofe  rights  to  a  third 
perfonwho  afterwards  comes  forward,  and  tells  them  in  Mr.  Burke's 
language,  that  they  have  no  rights,  that  their  rights  are  already  be- 
queathed to  him,  and  that  he  will  govern  in  contempt  of  them.  From 
fuch  principles,  and  fuch  ignorance.  Good  Lord  deliver  the  world! 

Biit,  alter  all,  what  is  this  metaphor  called  a  crown,  or  rather 
what  is  monarchy  ?  Is  it  a  thing,  or  is  it  a  name,  or  is  it  a  fraud  ? 
Is  it  *'  a  contrivance  of  human  wifdom,"  or  of  human  craft  to  ob- 
tain money  from  a  nation  under  fpecious  pretences  ?  Is  it  a  thing 
necefTary  to  a  nation  ?  If  it  is,  in  what  does  that  necefTity  confiif, 
what  fervices  does  it  perform,  what  is  its  bufinefs,  and  what  are  its 
merits  ?  Does  the  virtue  confift  in  the  metaphor,  or  in  the  man  ? 
Doth  the  goldfmith  that  makes  the  crown,  make  the  virtue  alfo  ? 
Doth  it  operate  likeFortunatus's  wifhing  cap,  or  Harlequin's  wood- 
en 


f  76 ) 

en  [w6rd  ?  Doth  it  make  a  man  a  conjurer  ?  In  fine,  what  is  it  ? 
It  appears  to  be  a  fomething  going  much  out  of  fafliion,  falling  in- 
to ridicule,  and  rejefted  in  fome  countries  both  as  unneceflfary  and 
expenfive.  In  America  it  is  confidered  an  abfurdity,  and  in  France 
it  has  fo  far  declined,  that  the  goodnefs  of  the  man,  and  the  refpeft 
for  his  perfonal  charafter,  are  the  only  things  that  preferve  the  ap- 
pearance of  its  exiftence. 

If  government  be  what  Mr.  Burke  defcribes  it,  "  a  contrivance 
of  human  wifdom,"  I  might  afk  him,  if  wildom  was  at  fuch  a  low 
ebb  in  England,  that  it  was  become  necefTary  to  import  it  from 
Holland  and  from  Hanover  ?  But  I  will  do  the  country  the  juftice 
to  fay,  that  was  not  the  cafe  ;  and  even  if  it  was,  it  miflook  the 
cargo.  The  wifdom  of  every  country,  when  properly  exerted,  is 
fufhcient  for  all  its  purpofes ;  and  there  could  exifl  no  more  real 
occafion  in  England  to  have  fentfor  a  Dutch  Stadtholder,or  a  Ger- 
man elector,  than  there  was  in  America  to  have  done  a  fimilar  thing. 
1{  a  country  does  not  underftand  its  own  affairs,  how  is  a  foreigner 
to  underftand  them,  who  knows  neither  its  laws,  its  manners,  nor 
its  language?  If  there  exifteda  man  fo  tranfcendantly  wile  above 
all  others,  that  his  wifdom  was  necefTary  to  inftruft  a  nation,  fome 
reafon  might  be  offered  for  monarchy;  but  when  we  caft  our  eyes 
about  a  country,  and  obferve  how  every  part  miderlfands  its  own 
affairs;  and  when  we  look  around  the  world,  and  fee  that  of  all  men 
in  it,  the  race  of  kings  are  the  moft  infignificant  in  capacity,  our 
reafon  cannot  fail  to  afk  us — What  are  thofe  men  kept  for  ? 

If  there  is  any  thing  in  monarchy  which  we  people  of  America 
do  not  underftand,  I  wifli  Mr.  Burke  would  be  io  good  as  to  inform 
lis.  I  fee  in  America,  a  government  extending  over  a  country  ten 
times  as  large  as  England,  and,  conduced  with  regularity  for  a  for- 
tieth part  of  the  expcnce  which  government  cofts  in  England.  If  I 
2i{k  a  man  in  America,  if  he  wants  a  King?  he  retorts,  and  alks  me 
if  I  take  him  for  an  ideot  ?  How  is  it  that  this  difference  happens  ? 
are  we  more  or  lefs  wife  than  others  ?  I  fee  in  America,  the  gene- 
rality of  people  living  in  a  ftlle  of  plenty  unknown  in  monarchial 
countries;  and  I  fee  that  the  principle  of  its  government,  which 
is  that  of  the  equal  Rights  of  Man,  is  making  a  rapid  progrefs  in  the 
world. 

If  monarchy  is  a  ufelefs  thing,  whyis  itkeptup  any  where?  andif 
a  neceffary  thing,  how  can  it  be  difpenfed  with  ?  That  civil  govern- 
ment  is  necefTary,  all  civilized  nations  will  agree;  but  civil  govern- 
-mcnt  is  republican  government.  All  that  part  of  the  government 
of  England  which  begins  with  the  oflfice  of  conftable,  and  proceeds 
thro'  the  department  of  magiftrate,  quarter-fe{rion,&  general  affize, 
including  trial  by  jury,  is  republican  government.  Nothing  of  mo- 
narchy 


(    77    ) 

narchy  appears  in  any  part  of  it,  except  the  name  which  William 
the  Conqueror  impofed  upon  the  Englifli,  that  of  obliging  them  to 
call  him  "  their  Sovereign  Lord  the  King." 

Itiseafyto  conceive,  that  a  band  ot  interefted  men,  fuch  as 
placemen,  penfioners.  Lords  of  the  bed-chamber,  Lords  ot  the 
kitchen,  Lords  of  theneceflary-houff,  and  the  Lord  knows  what 
befidcs,  can  find  as  many  reafons  for  monarchy  as  their  falaries, 
paid  at  the  expenceof  the  country,  amount  to  ;  but  if  I  afk  the  far- 
mer, the  manufafturer,  the  merchant,  the  iradefman,  and  down 
through  all  the  occupations  of  life  to  the  common  labourer,  what 
fervice  monarchy  is  to  him  ?  he  can  give  me  no  anfwer.  If  I  afk 
him  what  monarchy  is,  he  believes  it  is  fomethinglike  afinecure. 
Notwithftanding  the  taxes  of  England  amount  to  almofl  feven- 
teen  millions  a-year,  faid  to  be  for  the  expences  of  Government, 
it  is  flill  evident  that  the  fenfe  of  the  Nation  is  left  to  govern  itfelf, 
and  does  govern  itfelf  by  magiflrates  and  juries,  almofl  at  its  own 
charge,  on  republican  principles,  exclufive  of  the  expence  of  taxes. 
The  falaries  of  the  Judges  are  almofl  the  only  charge  that  is  paid 
out  of  the  revenue.  Confidering  that  all  the  internal  government 
is  executed  by  the  people,  the  taxes  of  England  ought  to  be  the 
lightefl  of  any  nation  in  Europe ;  inflead  of  which  they  are  the 
contrary.  As  this  cannot  be  accounted  for  on  the  fcore  of  civil 
government,  thefubjeft  necefTarily  extends  itfelf  lo  the  monarchial 
part. 

When  the  people  of  England  fent  for  George  the  Firfl,  (and  it 
would  puzzle  a  wifer  man  than  Mr.  Burke,  to  difcover  for  what 
he  couM  be  wanted,  or  what  fervice  he  could  render,)  they  ougrht 
at  leaft  to  have  conditioned  fbr  the  abandonment  of  Hanover.  Be- 
fides  the  endlefs  German  intrigues  that  mufl  follow  from  a  German 
Ele£^or  being  King  of  England,  there  is  a  natural  impofTibility  of 
uniting  in  the  fame  perfon  the  principles  of  Freedom  and  the  prin- 
ciples of  Defpotifm,  or  as  it  is  ufually  called  in  England,  Arbitrary 
Power.  A  German  Ele6^or  is  in  his  eleftorate  a  defpot :  How 
then  could  it  be  expefted  that  he  fhould  b3  attached  to  principles 
of  liberty  in  one  country,  while  his  interefl  in  another  was  to  be 
fupported  by  defpotifm  ?  The  union  cannot  exifl ;  and  it  m>ight  ea- 
fily  have  been  forefeen,  that  German  E!e6lors  would  make  German 
Kings,  or,  in  Mr.  Burke's  words,  would  alTume  government  with 
*  contempt.'  TheEnglifh  have  been  in  the  habit  of  confidering  a 
King  of  England  only  in  the  chara6ler  in  which  he  appears  to 
them  :  whereas  the  fame  perfon,  while  the  connexion  lafts,  has  a 
home-feat  in  another  country,  the  intereil  of  which  is  different  to 
their  own,  and  the  principles  of  the  governments  in  oppofition  to 
each  other — To  fuch  a  perfon  England  will  appear  as  a  town-refi- 

dence, 


(   78   ) 

dence,  and  the  Eleflorate  as  the  cftate.  The  Englifh  may  wifh,  as 
I  believe  they  do,  fuccefs  to  the  principles  of  Uberty  in  France,  or 
in  Germany ;  but  a  German  Eleftor  trembles  for  the  fate  of  defpot- 
ifm  in  his  E!e£lorate  ;  and  the  Duchy  of  Mecklenburgh,  where  the 
prefent  Queen's  family  governs,  is  under  the  fame  wretched  flate 
of  arbitrary  power,  and  the  people  in  flavifh  vafTalage. 

There  never  was  a  time  when  it  became  the  Englifh  to  watch 
continental  intiigues  more  circumfpeftly  than  at  the  prefent  mo- 
ment, and  to  diflinguifh  the  politics  of  the  Ele6lorate  from  the  po- 
litics of  the  Nation.  The  Revolution  of  France  has  entirely  chang- 
ed the  ground  with  refpeft  to  England  and  France,  as  nations ; 
but  the  German  Defpots,  with  PrufTia  at  their  head,  are  combin- 
ing  againft  liberty  ;  and  the  fondnefs  of  Mr.  Pitt  for  office,  and 
the  interefl  which  all  his  family  connexions  have  obtained,  do  not 
give  fufficient  fecurity  againfl  this  intrigue. 

As  every  thing  which  pafTes  in  the  world  becomes  matter  for  hif- 
tory,  I  will  now  quit  this  fubjeft,  and  take  a  concife  review  of  ihc 
i^ate  of  parties  and  politics  in  England,  as  Mr.  Burke  has  done  ip 
France. 

Whether  the  prefent  reign  commenced  with  contempt,  I  leave  to 
Mr.  Burke :  certain  however  it  is,  that  it  had  Ifrongiy  that  appear- 
ance. The  animofity  of  the  Englifh  nation,  it  is  very  well  re- 
membered, ran  high;  and,  had  the  true  principles  of  liberty  been 
as  well  underftood  then  as  they  now  promife  to  be,  it  is  probable 
the  Nation  would  not  have  patiently  fubmitted  to  io  much.  George 
the  Firfland  Second  were  fenfible  of  a  rival  in  the  remains  of  the 
-Stuarts  ;  and  as  they  could  not  but  confider  themfelves  as  ftanding 
on  their  good  behaviour,  they  had  prudence  to  keep  their  German 
principles  of  Government  to  themfelves ;  but  as  the  Stuart  Family 
wore  away,  the  prudence  became  lels  necefTary. 

The  contefl  between  rights,  and  whai  were  called  prerogatives, 
continued  to  heat  the  Nation  till  fome  time  after  the  conclufion  of 
the  American  War,  when  all  at  once  it  fell  a  calm  ;  execration  ex- 
changed itfelf  for  applaufe,  and  Court  popularity  fprung  up  like  a 
mufliroom  in  a  night. 

To  account  for  this  fuddew  tranfition,  it  is  proper  to  obferve,  that 
there  are  two  diflinft  fpeciesof  popularity  ;  the  one  excited  by  merit, 
the  other  by  refentment.  As  the  Nation  had  formed  itfelf  into  two 
parties,  and  each  was  extolling  the  merits  of  its  parliamentary  cham- 
pions for  and  againff  prerogative,  nothing  could  operate  to  give  amore 
general  ffiock  than  an  immediate  coalition  of  the  champions  them- 
felves. The  partifansofeach  being  thus  fuddenly  left  in  the  lurch,  and 
mutally  heated  with  difguft  at  the  meafure,  felt  no  other  relief  than  u- 
niting  in  a  common  execration  againfl  both.     A  higher  flimulus  of 

refentment 


{   79    ) 

rcfentment  l)eirg  thus  excited,  than  what  the  contefl  on  pre- 
rogatives had  occafioned,  the  Nation  quited  all  former  objefls  of 
rights  and  wrongs,  and  fought  only  that  ot  gratification.  The  in- 
dignation at  the  Coalition,  fo  effectually  fuperfeded  the  indignation 
againft  the  Court,  as  to  exlinguifh  it ;  and  without  any  change  of 
principles  on  the  part  of  the  Court,  the  fame  people  who  had  re- 
probated its  defpotifm,  united  with  it,  to  revenge  themfelves  on  the 
Coalition  Parliament.  The  cafe  was  not,  which  they  liked  bed — ■ 
but,  which  they  hated  mod;  and  the  leafl  hated  pafTed  tor  love. — 
The  diflblution  of  the  CoaUtion  Parliament,  as  it  afforded  the  means 
ot  gratifying  the  refentment  of  the  Nation,  could  not  fail  to  be  po- 
pular ;   and  from  hence  arofe  the  popularity  of  the  Court. 

Tranfiiions  of  this  kind  exhibit  a  Nation  under  the  government 
of  temper,  inftead  of  a  fixed  and  fteady  principle;  and  having  once 
committed  itfelf,  however  rafhly,  it  feels  itfelf  urged  along  to  juftify 
by  continuance  its  firf^  proceeding.  Meafures  which  at  other  times 
it  would  cenfure,  it  now  approves,  and  a6ls  perfuafion  upon  itfelf 
to  fuffocate  its  judgment. 

On  the  return  of  a  new  parliament,  the  new  Minifler,  Mr.  Pitt, 
found  himfelf  in  a  fecure  majority  ;  and  the  Nation  gave  him  credit, 
not  out  of  regard  to  hirafell,  but  becaufe  it  had  refolved  to  do  it 
out  of  refentment  to  another.  He  introduced  himfelf  to  public  no- 
tice by  a  propoLd  reform  of  Parliament,  which  in  its  operation 
would  have  amounted  to  a  public  juftification  of  corruption.  The 
Nation  was  to  be  at  the  expence  of  buying  up  the  rotten  boroughs, 
whereas  it  ought  to  punifh  the  perfons  who  deal  in  the  traffic. 

Paffmg  over  the  two  bubbles  of  the  Dutch  bufmefs,  and  thcmiU 
lion  a-year  to  fmk  the  national  debt,  the  matter  which  moff  prelents 
itfelf,  is  the  affair  of  the  Regency.  Never  in  the  courfe  of  my  ob- 
fervation,  was  delufion  more  fuccefsfully  atled,  nor  a  nation  more 
completely  deceived.  But,  to  make  this  appear,  it  will  be  necefla- 
ry  to  go  over  the  circumffances. 

Mr.  Fox  had  flated  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  that  the  Prince 
of  Wales,  as  heir  in  fucceffion,  had  a  right  in  himfelf  to  affume 
the  government.  This  was  oppofed  by  Mr.  Pitt :  and,  fo  far  as  the 
oppofition  was  confined  to  the  do6lrine,  it  was  jufl.  But  the  prin- 
ciples which  Mr.  Pitt  maintained  on  the  contrary  fide,  were  as  bad, 
or  worfe  in  their  extent,  than  thofe  of  Mr.  Fox;  becaufe  they  went 
to  eftablifh  an  arlffocracy  over  the  nation,  and  over  the  fmall  repre- 
fentation  it  has  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons. 

Whether  the  Engllfh  form  of  Government  be  good  or  had,  is 
not  in  this  cafe  the  queftlon  ;  but,  taking  it  as  it  /lands,  without  re- 
gard to  its  merits  or  demeriis,  Mr.  Pitt  was  farther  fr«nra  the  point 
than  Mr.  Fox. 

It 


(    8o   ) 

It  is  fuppofed  to  confiil  of  three  parts; — while,  therefore,  the 
Nation  is  difpofed  to  conrinue  this  form,  the  parts  have  a  national 
Jianding,  independent  of  each  other,  and  are  not  the  creatures  of 
each  other,  Had  Mr.  Fox  pafTed  through  ParHament,  and  faid, 
that  the  perfon  alluded  to  claimed  on  the  ground  of  the  Nation, 
Mr.  Pitt  muft  then  have  contended  (what  he  called)  the  right  of  the 
Parliament,  againft  the  right  of  the  Nation. 

By  the  appearance  which  the  conteft  made,  Mr.  fox  took  the 
hereditary  ground,  and  Mr.  Pitt  the  parliamentary  ground  :  but  the 
fa£l  is,  they  both  took  hereditary  ground,  and  Mr.  Pitt  took  the 
wozft  of  the  two. 

What  is  called  the  Parliament,  is  made  up  of  two  Houfes  :  one 
of  which  is  more  hereditary,  and  more  beyond  the  controul  of  the 
Nation,  than  what  the  crown  (as  it  is  called)  is  fuppofed  to  be.  It 
is  an  hereditary  ariftocracy,  alfuming  and  afferting  indefeafible,  ir- 
revocable rights  and  authority,  wholly  independent  of  the  Nation. 
Where  then  was  the  merited  popularity  of  exalting  this  hereditary 
power  over  another  hereditary  power  lefs  independent  of  the  Nati- 
on  than  what  itfelf  afTumed  to  be,  and  of  abforbing  the  rights  of  the 
Nation  into  a  Houfe  over  which  it  has  neither  elettion  nor  controul! 
The  general  impulfe  of  the  nation  was  right ;  but  it  a£led  with- 
out refleftion.  It  approved  the  oppofition  made  to  the  right  fet  up 
by  Mr.  Fox,  without  perceiving  that  Mr.  Pitt  was  fupporting  ano- 
ther indefeafible  right,  more  remote  from  the  Nation,  in  oppofiiion 
to  it. 

With  refpeft  to  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  it  is  ele61ed  but  by  a 
,  fmallpart  of  the  Nation;  but  were  the  eleftion  as  univerfal  as  tax- 
ation,  which  it  ought  to  be,  it  would  flill  be  only  the  organ  of  the 
Nation,  and  cannot  pofTefs  inherent  rights.  When  the  National 
AfTembly  of  France  refolves  a  matter,  the  refolve  is  made  in  the 
right  of  the  Nation  ;  but  Mr.  Pitt,  on  all  national  queflions,  fo  far 
as  they  refer  to  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  abforbs  the  rights  of  the 
Nation  into  the  organ,  and  makes  the  organ  into  a  Nation,  and  the 
Nation  itfelt  into  a  cypher. 

In  a  few  words,  the  queflion  on  the  Regency  was  a  queflion  on 
a  million  a-year,  which  is  appropriated  to  the  executive  department : 
and  Mr.  Pitt  could  not  poflefs  himfelf  of  any  management  of  this 
fum,  without  fetting  up  the  fupremacy  of  Parliament :  and  whea 
this  was  accomplifhed,  it  was  indifferent  who  fhould  be  Regent, 
as  he  muff  be  Regent  at  his  own  coft.  Among  the  curiofities  which 
this  contentious  debate  afforded,  was  that  of  making  the  Great  Seal 
into  a  king  :  the  afHxing  of  which  to  an  aft,  was  to  be  royal  autho- 
rity. If,  therefore.  Royal  Authority  is  a  Great  Seal.,  it  confe- 
quently  is  in  itfelf  nothing ;  aad  a  good  Conllitution  would  be  of 

riifinitely 


(   8i    ) 

infinitely  more  value  to  the  Nation,   than  what  the  three  Nominal 
Powers,  as  they  now  ftand,  are  worth. 

The  continual  ufe  of  the  word  Con/lilution  in  the  Englifli 
Parliament,  fhcws  there  is  none  ;  and  that  the  whole  is  merely  a 
form  of  Government  without  a  Conftuution,  and  conftituting  itfelf 
with  what  powers  it  pleafes.  If  there  were  a  Conftitution,  it  cer- 
tainly could  be  referred  to;  and  the  debate  on  any  conRitutional  ' 
point,  would  terminate  by  producing  the  Conftitution.  One  mem- 
ber favs.  This  is  Conftitution;  another  fays,  That  is  Conftitution; 
to-day  it  is  one  thing;  and  to-morrow,  it  is  fomething  elfe — while 
the  maintaining  the  debate  proves  there  is  none.  Conftitution  is 
now  the  cant  word  of  Parhament,  tuning  itfelf  to  the  ear  of  the 
Nation.  Formerly  it  was  the  univerfal  fupremacy  of  Pariiammt — 
the  omnipotence  of  Parliament :  But,  fince  the  progrefs  of  Liberty 
in  France,  thofe  phrafes  have  a  defpotic  harfhnefs  in  their  note  ;  and 
the  Englifh  Parliament  have  catched  tne  fafliion  from  the  National  J 
AiTembly,  but  without  tlie  fubftance,  of  fpeaking  of  Conjiitution. 

As  the  prefent  generation  of  people  in  England  did  not  make  the 
Government,  they  are  not  accountable  for  any  of  its  detetts:  but 
that  fooner  or  later  it  muft;  come  into  their  hands  to  undergo  a  con- 
flitutional  reformation,  is  as  certain  as  that  the  fame  thing  has  hap- 
pened in  France.  If  France,  with  a  revenue  of  nearly  twenty- 
four  millions  fterling,  with  an  extent  of  rich  and  fertile  country 
above  tour  times  larger  than  England,  with  a  population  of  twenty- 
four  millions  of  inhabitants  to  fupport  taxation,  with  upwards  of 
ninety  millions  fterling  of  gold  and  filver  circulating  in  the  nation, 
and  with  a  debt  lefs  than  the  prefent  debt  of  England — ft;ill  found 
it  neceftary,  from  whatever  caule,  to  come  to  a  fettlement  of  its 
affairs,  it  folves  the  problem  of  funding  for  both  countries. 

It  is  out  of  the  queftion  to  fay  how  long,  what  is  called,  the 
Englifh  conftitution  has  lafted,  and  to  argue  from  thence  how  long 
it  is  to  lafl; ;  the  quefliion  is,  how  long  can  the  funding  fyftem  laft  ? 
It  is  a  thing  bui  of  modern  invention,  and  has  not  yet  continued 
beyond  the  life  of  a  man ;  yet  in  that  fhort  fpace  it  has  fo  far  ac- 
cumulated, that,  together  with  the  current  cxpences,  it  requiiesati 
amount  of  taxes  at  leaft;  equal  to  the  whole  landed  rental  of  the  na- 
tion in  acres,  to  defray  the  annual  expenditures.  That  a  govern- 
ment could  not  always  have  gone  on  by  the  fame  Ivftem  which  has 
been  followed  for  the  lafl  feventy  years,  muft  be  evident  to  every 
man  ;  and  for  the  fame  reafon  it  cannot  always  go  on. 

The  funding  fyftem  is  not  money  ;  neither  is  it,  properly  fpeak- 
ing, credit.  It  in  effeft,  creates  upon  paper  the  lum  which  it  ap- 
pears to  borrow,  and  lays  on  a  tax  to  keep  the  imaginary  capital 
alive  by  the  payment  of  intereft,  and  fends  the  annuity  to  marker, 

L  to 


(    8i    ) 

to  be  fold  for  paper  already  in  circulation.  If  zny  credit  Is  givcHj 
it  is  to  the  difpofition  ot  the  people  to  pay  the  tax,  and  not  to  the 
Government  whicli  lays  it  on.  When  this  difpofition  expires, 
\vhat  is  luppofed  to  be  the  credit  of  Government  expires  with  it.— 
The  inOance  (;f  France  under  the  former  Government  fhews  that 
it  is  impoffible  to  compel  the  payment  of  taxes  by  force,  when  a 
whole  nation  is  determined  to  take  its  ftand  upon  that  ground. 

Mr.  Burke,  in  his  review  ot  the  finances  of  France,  flates  the 
quantity  of  gold  and  filver  in  France,  at  about  eightv-eight  millions 
jterling.  In  doing  this,  he  has,  1  prefume,  divided  by  the  differ- 
ence of  exchange,  inftead  of  the  flandard  of  twenty-four  livres  to 
a  pound  fteiling;  for  M.  Neckar's  ffatement,  from  which  Mr. 
Burke's  is  taken,  is  two  tkon/and  tzvo  hundred  millions  of  livres ^ 
which  is  upwards  ot  ninety-one  millions  and  an  half  fterling. 

M.  Neckar  in  France,  and  Mr.  George  Chalmers  of  the  Office 
ot  Trade  and  Plantation  in  England,  of  which  Lord  Hawkefbury 
is  prelident,  publiflied  nearly  about  the  fame  time  (1786)  an  account 
of  the  quantity  of  money  in  each  nation,  from  the  returns  of  the 
niint  of  each  nation.  Mr.  Chalmers,  from  the  returns  of  the 
Englifh  Mint  at  the  Tower  of  London,  Hates  the  quantity  of  money 
in  England,  including  Scotland  and  Ireland,  to  be  twenty  milhons 
ller'ing.* 

M.  Neckar  +  fays,  that  the  amount  of  money  in  France,  recoin- 
cd  from  the  old  coin  which  was  called  in,  was  two  thoufand  five 
hundred  millions  of  livres,  (upwards  of  one  hundred  and  four  mil- 
lions (lerling  ;)  and  after  dedafting  for  wade,  and  what  may  be  in 
the  VVeft-Indies,  and  other  poflible  circumftances,  flates  the  circu- 
lating quantity  at  home,  to  be  ninety-one  millions  and  an  half  fter- 
ling ;  but  taking  it  as  Mr.  Burke  has  put  it,  it  is  fixty -eight  millions 
more  than  the  national  quantity  in  England. 

That  the  quantity  of  money  in  France  cannot  be  under  this  fum, 
may  at  once  be  feen  from  the  ftate  of  the  French  Revenue,  without 
I  eterring  to  the  records  of  the  French  Mint  for  proofs.  The  reve- 
nue of  France  prior  to  the  Revolution,  was  nearly  twenty-four 
millions  fterling  ;  and  as  paper  had  then  no  exiftence  in  France, 
ihe  whole  revenue  was  colle£led  upon  gold  and  filver  ;  and  it 
would  have  been  impoffible  to  have  collefted  fuch  a  quantity  of 
revenue  upon  a  Icfs  national  quantity  than  M.  Neckar  has  ftated. 
Before  the  eflablifhment  of  paper  in  England,  the  revenue  was  about 
a  fourth  part  of  the  national  amount  of  gold  and  filver,  as  may  be 

known 

*  See  Efiimatc  of  (he  Comparative  Strength  of  Great-Britain,  by 
G.  Chalmer*. 

f  See  Ada^iniftration  of  the  Fiaanccj  of  France,  Vol.  III.  by  M. 
Neckar, 


(   ^3  ) 

known  by  referrincr  to  the  revenue  prior  to  King  William,  and  the 
quantity  of  money  ftated  to  be  in  the  nation  at  that  tim.',  which 
was  nearly  as  much  as  it  is  now. 

It  can  be  of  no  real  fervice  to  a  nation,  to  impofe  upon  itfelt,  or 
lopermit  iifelf  tobe  impofed  upon;  but  the  prejudices  of  fome, 
and  the  impofition  oFoihers,  have  always  reprefcnicd^  France  as  a 
nation  pollefling  but  Jlttlcmoney— whereas  the  quantity  is  not  on- 
ly more  than  four  times  what  the  quantity  is  In  England,  but  is  corw- 
fiderably  greater  on  a  proportion  of  numbers.  To  account  for  this 
deficiency  on  the  part  of  England,  fome  reference  (hould  be  had  to 
the  Englllh  fyftem  of  funding.  It  operates  to  multiply  paper,  and 
to  fuWhtute  it  in  the  room  of  money,  in  various  Ihapes ;  and  the 
more  paper  Is  multiplied,  the  more  opportunities  are  atforded  to 
export  the  fpecie ;  and  it  admits  of  a  poiribility  (by  extending  u  to 
fmall  notes)  of  increafmg  paper,  till  there  is  no  mon^y  left. 

I  know  this  is  not  a  pleafant  fubjea  to  Engli(h  readers ;  but  the 
matters  I  am  going  to  mention,  are  fo  important  in  thcmfelyes,  as 
to  require  the  attention  of  men  interefted  in  money-tranfadlons  of 
a  public  nature.  There  is  a  circumftance  liated  by  M.  Neckar,  in 
his  treatifeonthe  adminiftrationof  the  finances,  which  has  never 
been  attended  to  in  England,  but  which  forms  the  only  bajis  where- 
on toeftlmate  the  quantity  ot  money  (gold  and  filver)  which  ought 
to  be  in  every  nation  m  Europe,  to  preicrve  a  relative  proportion 
with  other  nations. 

Liibon  and  Cadiz  are  the  two  ports  into  which  (money)  gold  and 
filver  from  South-America  are  imported,  and  which  afterwards  di- 
vides and  fpreads  itfelf  over  Europe  by  means  of  commerce,  and 
increafesthe  quantity  of  money  in  all  parts  ot  Europe.  11,  there- 
fore, the  amount  of  the  annual  importation  into  Europe  can  be 
known,  and  the  relative  proportion  of  the  foreign  commerce  of  the 
feveral  nations  by  which  it  is  dilfributed  can  bv-  afcertained,  they 
give  a  rule,  fufHciently  true,  to  afcertain  the  quantity  of  money 
which  ought  to  be  found  in  any  nation  at  any  given  time. 

M.  Neckar  fnews  from  the  regiflers  of  Lifoon  and  Cadiz,  that 
the  importation  of  gold  and  filver  into  Europe,  is  five  millions  fler- 
ling  annually.  He  has  not  taken  it  on  afingle  year,  but  on  an  average 
M  fifteen  fucceeding  years,  from  1763  to  1777,  both  inclulive  ;  m 
in  which  time,  the  amount  was  one  ihoufand  eight  hundred  millions 
livres,  which  is  feventy-five  millions  llerling^'. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  Hanover  fuccefiion  in  1714,  to 
the  time  Mr.  Chalmers  publiflied,  is  leventy-two  years  :  and  the 
quantity  imported  mto  Europe,  in  that  time,  would  be  three  hun- 
dred and  fixty  millions  Iterling. 

*Ad.Tiiniftration  of  the  Finance*  of  France,  Vol.  III. 


(   84  ) 

If  the  foreign  commerce  of  Great-Britain  be  flated  at  a  fixth  part 
of  what  the  whole  foreign  commerce  of  Europe  amounts  to,  (which 
is  probably  an  inferior  eRimation  to  what  the  gentlemen  at  the  ex- 
change wouM  allow,)  the  proportion  which  Britain  would  diaw  by- 
commerce  of  this  fum,  to  iuep  herfell  on  a  proportion  with  the  reft 
of  Europe,  would  be  alfoci  hxrh  part,  which  is  fixty  millions  fter- 
Img;  and  if  the  fame  allowance  for  wafte  and  accident  be  made  for 
England,  which  M.  Neckar  makes  for  France,  the  quantity  re- 
maining after  thefe  deduaions,  would  be  fifty-two  nnllions  ;  and 
this  fum  ought  to  have  been  in  the  nation  (at  the  time  Mr.  ChaU 
niers  publifhed)  in  addition  to  the  fum  which  was  in  the  nation  at 
the  commencement  of  the  Hanover  iuccefTion,  and  to  have  made  in 
the  whole  at  lealt  fixty-fix  millions  fferling  ;  inflead  of  which, 
there  were  but  twenty  millions,  which  is  forty-fix  milHons  below 
its  proportionate  quantity. 

As  the  quantity  of  gold  and  fiver  imported  into  Lifbon  and  Cadiz 
is  more  exaftly  afceriained  than  that  of  any  commodity  imported 
into  Englarid  :  and  as  the  quantity  of  money  coined  at  the  Tower 
of  London  is  flill  morepofitively  known,  the  leading  fafts  do  not 
admit  of  controverfy.  Either,  therefore,  the  comm.erce  of  Eng. 
land  is  unproduftive  of  profit,  or  the  gold  and  filver  which  it  brings 
in  leak  continually  away  by  unfeen  means,  at  the  average  rate  of  a- 
bout  three  quarters  of  a  million  a  year,  which  in  the  courfe  of  fe- 
venty-two  years,  accounts  for  the  deficiency  ;  and  its  abfence  is 
fupplied  by  paper*.  The 

*  Whciber  the  English  commerce  doei  not  bring  ia  raoner,  orwhe- 
tlier  the  Governmeat  feud*  it  out  after  it  it  brought  io,  is  a  matter 
which  the  parties  concerned  can  beft  explain;  bat  that  the  deficiency 
cxiHs,  is  flof  in  the  power  of  either  to  difprove.  While  Dr  Price,  Mr. 
Eden,  (now  Auckland)  Mr.  Chaltaers,  and  others,  were  debating  whe- 
ther the  quancitjr  of  money  in  England  was  greater  or  left  than  at  the 
Revolution,  the  circurartance  was  not  adverted  to,  that  fince  the  Revo- 
lution, there  cannot  have  been  lefs  than  four  hundred  millions  ftcrling 
impcrced  into  Enrope;  and  therefore,  !he  quantity  in  England  ought 
at  leaft  to  have  been  four  times  greater  than  it  was  at  the  Revolution, 
to  he  en  a  proportion  with  Europe.  What  Etjgland  is  now  doing  by 
paper,  is  wha:  ftie  would  have  been  able  to  have  done  by  folid  money, 
if  gold  and  lilver  had  come  into  the  nation  in  the  proportion  it  ought, 
or  had  not  betn  fent  out ;  and  the  is  endeavouring  to  redore  by  paper, 
the  ba\;?nce  (he  his  loft  by  money.  It  is  certain,  that  ihe  gold  and  fil- 
ver which  ariive  annually  in  the  regifter-rhips  to  Spain  and  Portugal,  do 
not  remain  in  thofe  countries.  Taking  the  value  half  in  gold  and  half 
in  filver,  it  is  about  four  hundred  tons  annually;  and  from  the  number 
of  fnips  and  galloons  employed  iu  the  trade  of  bringing  thofe  raetali 
from  South-Amerira  to  Portugal  and  LSpain,  the  quantity  fufficicEtly 
proves  itfelf,  without  referring  to  the  regifleri. 

IQ 


(   «5   )  . 

The  Revolution  in  France  is  attended  with  many  novel  clrcuin- 
ftances,  not  only  in  the  political  fphere,  but  in  the  circle  of  money 
tranfaftions.  Among  others,  it  Ihews  that  a  government  may  be 
in  a  Hate  of  infolvency,  and  a  nation  rich.  So  far  as  the  faft  is 
confined  to  the  late  Government  of  France,  it  was  infolvcnt ;  be- 
caufe  the  Nation  would  no  longer  fuppoit  its  extravagance,  and 
therefore  it  could  no  longer  fupport  itielf — but  with  rcfpecl:  to  the 
Nation,  all  the  means  exilled.  A  Government  may  be  faid  to  be 
iniolvent,  every  time  it  applies  to  a  N^^tion  to  difcharge  its  arrears. 
The  infolvencv  of  the  late  Government  of  France,  and  the  prefent 
government  of  England,  differed  in  no  other  rerpe61  than  as  the  dif- 
pofition  of  the  people  difiers.  The  people  of  France  retufed  their 
aid  to  the  old  Government;  and  the  people  of  England  fubmit  to 
taxation  without  enquiry.  What  is  called  the  crown  in  England, 
has  been  infolvcnt  feveral  times;  the  laft  of  which,  publicly  known 
was  in  May  1777,  when  it  applied  to  the  Nation  to  difcharge  up- 
wards of/'6oo,ooo,  private  debts,  which  otherwife  it  could  not 
pay. 

It 

In  the  fituation  England  now  is.  It  is  impoffible  the  can  increafe  in 
nior-ey.  High  laxes  not  only  leffen  the  property  of  the  isdividual*,  but 
they  leffen  alfo  the  mcney-capital  of  a  naiiou,  by  inducing  fmogglin^, 
which  can  only  be  carried  on  by  gold  and  filver.  By  ihe  politics  which 
the  Briiifli  Government  hat  carried  on  with  the  Inland  Power*  of  Ger- 
many and  the  Continenr,  it  has  made  an  enemy  of  all  the  Mirltirae 
Powers,  and  is  therefore  obliged  to  keep  up  a  large  navy ;  but  though  the 
Eavy  ii  built  in  England,  the  naval  (lores  muft  be  purchafed  from  abroad, 
and  that  fiom  countries  where  the  ;?reaieft  part  mutl  be  pjid  for  in  gold 
and  fiiver.  Some  fallacious  rumours  have  been  fer  afloat  in  Eugland  to 
induce  a  belief  of  money,  and,  among  other?,  that  of  the  French  le- 
fugeet  bringin;^  great  quantities.  The  idea  is  ridiculous.  The  general 
part  of  the  money  in  France  ii  filver;  and  it  would  take  upwards  of 
twenty  of  the  l^rgeft  broad  wheel  waggons,  wih  ten  hoifes  each,  to  re- 
move one  million  (lerling  of  fjiver.  la  it  then  to  be  fuppnfer],  that  a 
few  people,  fiteing  on  horfe-back,  or  in  poft  chaifes,  in  a  fecret  man- 
ner, and  having  the  French  Cuftom-Houfe  :o  pafs,  and  the  fea  10  crofs, 
could  bring  even  a  f'  lUciency  for  their  own  eispences. 

When  millions  of  m.ouey  are  fpcken  of,  it  fhonld  he  recolleded,  that 
fuch  furai  fan  only  accumulate  in  a  country  by  flow  de^i^reeij,  and  a  long 
proceflion  of  time.  The  moft  frugal  fyftem  that  EngLind  could  now 
adopt  would  not  recover  in  a  century  the  balance  the  has  lofl  in  mooer 
fince  the  commencement  of  the  Hdnover  fuccen";on,  {jbe  is  fevemy 
mill/ons  behind  France,  and  ihe  rauft  be  in  fome  conllilerable  prcportioa 
behind  every  country  in  Europe,  becaufe  the  returns  of  the  Kngiith 
Mint  do  not  (hew  an  increafe  of  money,  while  the  rc>;'dcrs  of  Lift)  .ia 
and  Cadiz,  (hew  an  Europeau  increafe  of  bctivecn  three  and  four  huu- 
^red  millioui  ftcriing, 

¥: 


(   86  ) 

It  was  the  error  of  Mr.  Pitt,  Mr  Burke,  and  all  thofe  who  were 
unacquainted  with  the  affairs  ot  France,  to  confound  the  French 
Nation  with  the  French  Government.  The  French  Nation,  in  ef- 
ieti,  endeavoured  to  render  the  late  Government  infolvent,  for  the 
purpofe  or  taking  Government  into  iisown  hands ;  and  it  referved 
its  means  for  the  fupport  of  the  new  Government,  In  a  country 
ot  fuch  vaft  extent  and  population  as  France,  the  natural  means 
cannot  be  wanting  ;  and  the  political  means  appear  the  inftant  the 
Nation  is  difpofed  to  permit  them.  When  Mr.  Burke,  in  a  fpeech 
laft  Winter  in  the  Biitifh  Parliament,  cafl}ds  eyes  over  the  map  of 
Europe,  and  Jaw  a  chafm  that  once  was  France,  he  talked  like  a 
dreamer  of  dreams.  The  fame  natiual  France  exifted  as  before, 
and  all  the  natural  means  exifted  with  it.  The  only  chafm  was 
that  which  the  extinftion  of  defpotifm  had  left,  and  which  was  to  be 
filled  up  with  a  ccnftitution  more  formidable  in  refources  than  the 
power  which  had  expired. 

Although  the  French  Nation  rendered  the  late  government  in- 
folvent, it  did  not  permit  the  infolvency  to  aft  towards  the  credit- 
ors; and  the  creditors  confidenng  the  Nation  as  the  real  paymafter, 
and  the  Government  only  as  the  agent,  refted  themfelves  on  the 
Nation,  in  preference  to  the  Government.  This  appears  greatly  to 
difturb  Mr.  Burke,  as  the  precedent  is  fatal  to  the  policy  by  which 
Governments  have  funpofed  themfelves  fecure.  They  have  con- 
tra6led  debts,  with  a  view  of  attaching  what  is  called  the  monied 
intereft  of  a  Nation  to  their  fupport ;  but  the  example  in  France 
ihews,  that  the  permanent  fecurity  of  the  creditor  is  in  the  Nation, 
and  not  in  the  Government ;  and  that  in  all  poflible  revolutions  that 
may  happen  in  Governments,  the  means  are  always  with  the  Na- 
tion, and  the  Nation  always  in  exiftence.  Mr.  Burke  argues,  that 
the  creditors  ought  to  have  abided  the  fate  of  the  Government 
which  they  trulled;  but  the  National  AlFembly  confidered  them  as 
the  creditors  of  the  Nation,  and  not  of  the  Government — of  the 
mailer,  and  not  of  the  fteward. 

Notwithllanding  the  late  Government  could  not  difcharge  the 
current  expences,  the  prcfent  Government  has  paid  off  a  great  part 
of  the  capital.  This  has  been  accompliflied  by  two  m,eans ;  the 
one  by  lelfening  the  expences  of  Government,  and  the  other  by 
the  fale  of  the  monaftic  and  ecclefiailical  landed  eflates.  The  de- 
votees and  penitent  debauchees,  extortioners  and  mifers  of  former 
days,  to  enfurc  themfelves  a  better  world  than  that  which  they  were 
about  10  leave,  had  bequeathed  immenfe  property  in  truft  to  the 
prieilhood,  for  pious  iijes  ;  and  the  priefthood  kept  it  for  themfelves. 
The  National  Alfembly  has  ordered  it  to  be  fold  for  the  good  of  the 
v.'hole  Nation,  and  the 'priefthood  to  be  decently  provided  for. 

In 


(   8;    ) 

In  confequcnce  of  the  Revolution,  the  annual  intereft:  of  the 
debt  of  France  will  be  reduced  at  lead  fix  millions  flerling,  by  pay- 
ing off  upwards  ot  one  hundred  millions  of  the  capital;  which, 
with  leffening  the  former  expences  of  Government  at  leaft  three 
millions,  will  place  France  in  a  fituaiion  worthy  the  imitation  of 

Kurope. 

Upon  a  whole  review  of  the  fubje£l,  how  vaft  is  the  contrail  I 
While  Mr.  Burke  has  been  talking  of  a  general  bankruptcy  in 
France,  the  National  Affembly  has  been  paying  off  the  capital  ot 
its  debt ;  and  while  taxes  have  incrcafed  near  a  million  a-year  in 
England,  they  have  lowered  feveral  millions  a-year  in  France.  Not 
a  word  has  either  Mr.  Burke  or  Mr.  Pitt  faid  about  French  affairs, 
or  the  ftate  of  the  French  finances,  in  the  prefent  Seffion  of  Parlia- 
ment. The  fubjeft  begins  to  be  too  well  underftood,  and  impo- 
fition  ferves  no  longer. 

There  is  a  general  enigma  running  through  the  whole  of  Mr. 
Burke's  book.  He  writes  in  a  rage  againft  the  National  Affembly  ; 
but  what  is  he  enraged  about  ?  If  his  afferlions  were  as  true  ds  they 
are  groundlefs,  and  that  France,  by  her  Revolution  had  annihilated 
her  power,  and  become  what  he  calls  a  chafm,  it  might  excite  the 
grief  ol  a  Frenchman,  (confidering  himfelf  as  a  national  man)  and 
provoke  his  rage  again  ft  the  National  Affembly  ;  but  why  ffiould  it 
excite  the  rage  of  Mr.  Burke  ? — Alas !  ii  is  not  the  Nation  of 
France  that  Mr.  Burke  means,  but  the  COURT;  and  every 
Court  in  Europe,  dreading  the  fame  fate,  is  in  mourning.  He 
writes  neither  in  the  character  ot  a  Frenchman  nor  an  Englilhman, 
buL  in  the  fawning  charafter  of  that  creature  known  in  all  coun- 
tries, and  a  friend  to  none,  a  COURTIER.  Whether  it  be  the 
Court  of  Verfailles,  or  the  Court  of  St.  James,  or  Car'ton-Houfe, 
or  the  Court  in  expeBation,  fignifies  not;  for  the  caterpillar  prin- 
ciples of  all  Courts  and  Courtiers  are  alike.  They  form  a  com- 
mon policy  throughout  Europe,  detached  and  feparaie  from  the  in- 
tereft of  Nations ;  and  while  they  appear  to  quarrel,  they  agree  to 
plunder.  Nothing  can  be  more  terrible  to  a  Court  of  a  Courtier, 
than  the  Revolution  of  France.  That  which  is  a  bleffing  to  Na- 
tions, is  bitternefs  to  them  ;  and  as  their  exiftence  depends  on  rhs 
duplicity  of  a  country,  they  tremble  at  the  approach  of  principles, 
and  dread  the  precedent  that  threatens  tlielr  overthrow. 

■    '  ■■IIIIB»»iW—  _ 

CONCLUSION. 
REASON  and  Ignorance,  the  oppofite  of  each  other,  influ- 
ence the  great  bulk  of  mankind.  It  either  of  thefe  can  be  render- 
ed fufficiently  extenfive  in  a  country,  the  machinerv  ot  Govern- 
ment goes  eafily  on.  Reafon  obeys  itfdf;  and  Ignorance  fubmits 
to  whatever  is  dictated  to  it.  The 


(  ss  ) 

The  two  modes  of  Government  which  prevail  in  the  world,  are, 
firjiy  Government  by  ele^ion  and  reprefentation ;  ftcondly^  Govern- 
ment by  hereditary  fucccfTion.     The  former  is  generally  known  by 
the  name  ot  republic;  the  latter  by  that  of  monarchy  and  arifto- 
cracy. 

ThoTe  two  diilin6l  and  oppoTite  forms,  ere6l  themfelves  on  the 
two  diltinfcf  and  oppofite  bafes  of  Reafon  and  Ignorance.  As  the 
exercife  of  Government  requires  talents  and  abilities,  and  as  talents 
and  abilities  cannot  have  hereditary  defcent,  it  is  evident  that  here- 
ditary fucceflion  requires  a  belief  from  man,  to  which  his  reafon 
cannot  fubfcribe,  and  which  can  only  be  eflabliflied  upon  his  igno- 
rance ;  and  the  more  ignorant  any  country  is,  the  better  it  is  fitted 
for  this  fpecies  of  government. 

On  the  contrary,  government  in  a  well  conflituted  republic  re- 
quires no  belief  from  man  beyond  what  his  reafon  can  give.  He 
lees  the  rationale  of  the  whole  fyltem,  its  origin  and  its  operation  ; 
and  as  it  is  beft  fupported  when  bell  underftood,  the  human  facul- 
ties afl  with  boldnefs,  and  acquire,  under  this  form  ot  government, 
a  gigantic  manlinefs. 

As,  therefore,  each  of  thofe  forms  a£ls  upon  a  different  bafe,  the 
one  moving  freely  by  the  aid  of  reafon,  the  other  by  ignorance, 
we  have  next  to  confider,  what  it  is  that  gives  motion  to  that  fpe- 
cies of  government  which  is  called  mixed  government,  or,  as  it  is 
fomerimcs  ludicroufly  ftiled,  a  government  of  this^  that^  and  t'other. 

The  moving  power  in  this  fpecies  of  Government,  is,  of  necef- 
fity,  Corruption.  However  imperiecl  eleftion  and  reprefentation 
may  be  in  mixed  governments,  they  Hill  give  exercife  to  a  greater 
portion  of  reafon  than  is  convenient  to  the  hereditary  part ;  and 
therefore  it  becomes  neceffary  to  buy  the  reafon  up.  A  mixed  go- 
vernment is  an  imperle£l  every-thing,  cementing  and  foldering  the 
difcordant  pans  together  by  corruption  to  acl  as  a  whole.  Mr. 
Burke  appears  highly  difcTuiled,  that  France,  fince  fhe  had  refolved 
on  a  revolution,  did  not  adopt  what  he  calls  "  A  Britijh  Coriflitution  ;'* 
and  the  regretful  m.anner  in  which  he  exprefies  himfcH  on  this  oc- 
cafion,  implies  a  fuipicion,  that  the  Britifl^  Conftitution  needed 
fomething  to  keep  its  defe6fs  in  countenance. 

In  mixed  governments  there  is  no  refponfibility ;  the  parts  cover 
each  other  till  refponfibiiity  is  loft ;  and  the  corruption  which 
moves  the  machine,  contrives  at  the  fame  time  its  own  efcape. — 
When  it  is  laid  down  as  a  maxim,  that  a  King  can  do  no  wrong,  it 
places  him  in  a  (late  of  fimilar  fccurity  with  that  of  ideots  and  per- 
sons infane,  and  refponfibiiity  is  out  cf  the  queftion  with  refped  to 
himfelf.  It  then  dtfcends  upon  the  Minifler,  who  (helters  himfcH 
under  a  mnjority  in  Parliament,   which,   by  places,  penfions,  and 

corruption, 


(■  89    ) 

corruption,  he  Can  always  command  ;  and  that  majority  juftifies  it- 
feit  b)  rhe  (ame  authoJ-ity  with  which  it  protefts  the  Minifter.  In 
this  rotate y  nioaon,  refponfibihty  is  thrown  off  from  the  parts, 
aiid  from  the  whole. 

When  theie  in  a  part  in  a  Government  which  can  do  no  wrong, 
i'  '  pbes  that  it  does  nothing;  and  is  only  the  machine  of  another 
pt»wti,  by  who)e  advice  and  direftion  it  a6ls.  What  is  fuppofed  to 
be  die  King  in  mixed  Governments,  is  the  Cabinet ;  and  as  the  Ca- 
bn^c'  is  always  a  part  of  the  Parliament,  and  the  members  juflify- 
ing  7'^  ore  charafter  what  they  advife  and  aft  in  another,  a  mixed 
Gover-mient  becomes  a  continual  enigma ;  entailing  upon  a  court- 
trv,  hv  -he  quantity  of  corruption  necefTary  ^o  folder  the  parts, 
the  exoence  of  fupporting  all  the  forms  of  Government  at  once, 
^nd  finc:ily  refolving  itfelf  into  a  Government  by  Committee;  in 
^'  hich  (he  advifers,  the  aftors,  the  approvers,  the  juftifiers,  the  per- 
.:>ns  leiponfrble,  and  the  perfons  notrefponfible,  are  the  fame  per fons. 

Ey  this  pantomimical  contrivance,  and  change  of  fcene  and  cha- 
racter, the  parts  help  each  other  out  in  matters,  which,  neither  of 
them  hngly  would  i^fTume  to  aft.  When  money  is  to  be  obtained, 
the  mafs  of  variety  apparently  difTolves,  and  a  profufion  of  parlia- 
mentary praifes  paffes  between  the  parts.  Each  admires  with  alio, 
niftiment  the  wiidom,  the  liberality,  the  difintereilednefs  of  the 
o<ther  J  and  all  of  them  breathe  a  pitying  figh  at  the  burthens  of  the 
Nation. 

But  in  a  well-conftituted  republic,  nothing  of  this  foldErint>-, 
praifing,  and  pitying,  can  take  place;  the  reprefentation  being 
equal  throughout  the  country,  and  complete  in  itfelf,  however  it 
may  be  arranged  into  legiflative  and  executive,  they  have  all  one 
and  the  fame  natural  fource.  The  parts  are  not  foreigners  to  each 
other,  like  democracy,  ariftocracy,  and  monarchy.  As  there  are 
no  difcordant  diftinftions,  there  is  nothing  to  corrupt  by  compro- 
mife,  nor  confound  by  contrivance.  Public  meafures  appeal  of 
themfelves  to  the  underftanding  of  the  Nation,  and,  refting  on  their 
own  merits,  d'iown  any  flattering  application  to  vanity.  The  con- 
tinual whine  of  lamenting  the  burden  of  taxes,  however  fucccfsfully 
it  may  be  praftifed  in  mixed  Governments,  is  inconfiflent  with  the 
fenfe  and  fpirit  of  a  republic.  If  taxes  are  neceflary,  they  are  of 
courfe  advantageous ;  but  if  they  require  an  apology,  the  apology 
itfelf  implies  an  impeachment.  Why  then  is  man  thus  impofed 
upon,  or  why  does  he  impofe  upon  himfelf  ? 

When  men  are  fpoke^  of  as  kings  and  fubjefts,  or  when  Gn- 
vernment  is  mentioned  under  the  diflinft  or  combined  heads  of 
monarchy,  ariftocracy,  and  democracy,  what  is  it  that  reafoning  man 
is  fo  underftaod  by  the  terms  ?  If  there  really  exiflfd  in  the  world 

M  two 


(   so  ) 

two  or  more  diftinft  and  feparate  elements  of  human  power,  we 
{hould  then  fee  the  feveral  origins  to  which  thofe  terms  would  de- 
fcriptively  apply  ;  but  as  there  is  but  one  fpecies  ot  man,  there  caa 
be  but  one  element  of  human  power;  and  that  elemen?:  is  man  him- 
felf.  Monarchy,  ariftocracy,  and  democracy,  are  but  creatures  of 
imagination;  and  a  thouland  fuch  may  be  contrived,  <^  well  as  three. 


FROM  the  Revolutions  of  America  and  France,  and  the  fymp- 
toms  that  have  appeared  in  other  countries,  it  is  evident  that  the 
opinion  of  the  world  is  changed  with  refpe6t  to  fyftems  of  Govern^ 
ment,  and  that  revolutions  are  not  within  the  compafs  of  political 
calculations.  The  progrefs  of  time  and  circumftances,  which  men 
aflfign  to  the  accomplifiiment  of  great  changes,  is  too  mechanical  to 
meafure  the  force  of  the  mind,  and  the  rapidity  ot  reflcftion,  by 
which  revolutions  are  generated :  All  the  old  governments  have  re- 
ceived a  fhock  from  thole  that  already  appear,  and  which  were  once 
more  improbable,  and  are  a  greater  lubjeft  of  wonder,  than  a  ge- 
neral revolution  m  Europe  would  be  now. 

When  we  furvey  the  wretched  condition  of  man  under  the  mo- 
narchical and  hereditary  fyftems  of  Government,  dragged  from  hifi 
home  by  one  power,  or  driven  by  another,  and  impoverifhed  by 
taxes  more  than  by  enemies,  it  becomes  evident  that  thofe  fyftems 
are  bad,  and  that  a  general  revolution  in  the  principle  and  con- 
ftruftion  of  Governments  Is  necefTary. 

What  is  government  more  than  the  management  of  the  affairs  of 
a  Nation  ?  It  is  not,  and  from  its  nature  cannot  be,  the  property 
of  any  particular  man  or  family,  but  of  the  whole  community,  at 
whofc  cxpence  it  is  fupported  ;  and  though  by  force  or  contrivance 
it  has  been  ufurped  into  an  inheritance,  the  ufurpation  cannot  alter 
the  right  of  things,  Sovereignty,  as  a  matter  ot  right,  appertains  to 
the  Nation  only,  and  not  to  anv  individual ;  and  a  Nation  has  at  all 
limes  an  inherent  indefeafible  right  to  abolifh  any  form  of  Govern- 
ment it  finds  inconvenient,  and  eftablifii  fuch  as  accords  with  its 
intereft,  difpofition,  and  happinefs.  The  romantic  and  barbarous 
diftinftion  of  men  into  kings  and  fubjefts,  though  it  may  fuit  the 
condition  of  courtiers,  cannot  that  of  citizens  ;  and  is  exploded  by 
the  principle  <jpon  which  Governments  are  now  founded.  Every 
citizen  is  a  member  of  the  Sovereignty,  and,  as  fuch,  can  acknow- 
ledge no  pcrfonal  fubjeftion ;  and  his  obedience  can  be  only  to  the 
Jaws. 

When  men  think  of  what  Government  is,  they  muft  ncceffarily 
fuppofe  it  to  poffefs  a  knowledge  of  all  the  objefts  and  matters  upon 
which  its  authority  is  to  be  excrcifcd.     In  this  view  of  Govern- 

mcnt, 


(  9^   ) 

me-*  l^c  republican  fvfteni,  as  eftabriOied  by  America  and  France, 
ope^i^'tes  to  embrace  the  whole  of  a  Nation;  and  the  knowledge 
ueceflary  to  the  mtereft  of  all  the  parts,  is  to  be  found  in  the  centre, 
which  the  parts  bv  reprefentation  form .  But  the  old  Governments 
are  on  a  conftruttion  that  excludes  knowledge  as  well  as  happmels . 
Goveinment  by  Monks,  who  know  nothing  ot  the  world  beyond 
the  walls  of  a  Convent,  is  zs  confiftent  as  Government  by  Kings. 

What  were  formerly  called  Revolutions,  were  hale  more  tnan  a 
change  of  perfons,  or  an  alteration  of  local  circumftances.  1  hey 
rofe  and  fell  like  things  of  courfe,  and  had  nothmg  m  their  exiit- 
cnce  or  their  fate  that  could  influence  beyond  the  fpot  that  produced 
them.  But  what  we  now  iee  in  the  world,  from  the  Revolutions 
•t  America  and  France,  are  a  renovation  cf  the  natural  order  ol 
things,  a  fylfem  of  principles  as  univerfal  as  truth  and  the  exilteacc 
of  man,  and  combining  moral  with  political  happinefs  and  nation- 
al  profperity, 

'  I.  M^n  arc  born  and  ahoays  continue  free,  and  equal  in  refpcB  of 
'  their  rights.     Civil  diflinaions,  therefore,  can  be  founded  only  on 

•  public  utility.  .     ,  -        .        r  ,i 

«  II.  The  end  of  all  political  ajociations  is  the  prefervation  oj  thi 
»  natural  and  imprefcriptible  rights  of  man;  and  tkefe  rights  are  u^ 

*  berty,  property,  fecurity.  and  refijiance  of  opprejjion, 

*  III.  The  Nation  is  ffentially  the  Jource  of  all  Sovereignty:  nor 
'can  any  individual,  or  any  body  of  men,  be  entitled  to 
«  any  authority  which  is  not  exprefsly  derived  from  it." 

In  thefe  principles  there  is  nothing  to  throw  a  Nation  into  con- 
fufionby  inflaming  ambition.     They  are  calculated  to  call   lorta 
wifdom  and  abilities,  and  to  exercife  them  for  the  public  good,  and 
not  for  the  emolument  or  aggrandizement  of  particular  delcnptions 
ot  men  or  famiUes.     Monarchical  fovereignty,  the  enemy  ot  mari- 
kind.  and  the  fource  of  mifery,  is  abolifhed  ;  and  fovereignty  itielt 
is  reflored  to  its  natural  and  original  place,  the  nation.     \\  ere  this 
the  cafe  throughout  Europe,  the  caufe  of  wars  would  be  ta^enaway. 
It  is  attributed  to  Henry  the  Fourth  of  France,  a  man  ot  an  en- 
larged and    benevolent,  heart  that  he  propofed,    about  the  year 
1610,    a    plan    for  abolifhing   war   in  Europe.     The  plan   con- 
fifted  in  conftitnting  an  European  Congrefs,  or  as  the  trench  au- 
thors ftile  it,  aPacifi'c  Republic  ;  by  appointing  delegates  trom  the 
feveral  Nations,  who  were  to  aft  as  a  Court  of  Arbitration  m  any 
difputes  that  might  arife  between  nation  and  nation.  ^ 

Had  fuch  a  plan  been  adopted   at  the  time  it  was  proposed,  t.ie 
<axes  of  England  and  France,  as  two  of  the  parties,  woulc  have 


(    9^  ) 

been  at  leaft  ten  millions  fterling,  annually,    to  each  Nation  lefe 
than  they  were  at  the  commencement  of  the  French  Revolution. 

To  conceive  a  caufc  why  fuch  a  plan  has  not  been  adopted  (and 
that  infteiid  of  a  Congrefs  ior  the  purpofeof/?r^y^«/2>^  war.  it  has 
been  called  only  to  terminate  2,  war,  after  a  fruitlefs  expence  of  fe- 
veral  years)  it  will  be  neceffary  to  confider  the  intereft  of  Govern- 
ments as  a  diftinftinierell  to  ihat  of  Nations. 

Whatever  is  the  caufe  of  taxes  to  a  Nation,  becomes  alfo  the 
means  of  revenue  to  a  Government.  Every  war  terminates  with 
an  addition  of  taxes,  and  confequently  with  an  addition  of  revenue; 
and  in  any  event  of  war,  in  the  manner  they  are  now  commenced 
and  concluded,  the  power  and  interefl  of  governments  are  increaf- 
ed.  War  therefore,  from  its  produftivenefs,  as  it  eafily  furnifties 
the  pretence  ot  neceffity  for  taxes  and  appointments  to  places  and 
cfBces,  becomes  a  principal  part  of  the  fyftem  of  old  governments  ; 
and  to  eflabiifh  any  mode  to  abolifh  war,  however  advantageous  it 
might  be  to  Nations,  would  be  to  take  from  fuch  Government  the 
moft  lucrative  of  its  branches.  The  frivolous  matters  upon  which 
war  is  made,  fhew  the  difpofition  an^d  avidity  of  Governments  to 
uphold  the  fyftem  of  war,  and  betray  the  motives  upon  which  they 
aft. 

W^hy  are  not  Republics  plunged  into  war,  but  becaufe  the  na- 
ture of  their  government  does  not  admit  of  an  intereft  diftinft  from 
that  oi  the  Nation  ?  Even  Holland,  though  an  ill  conftrufted  Re- 
public, and  with  a  commerce  extending  over  the  world,  exifted 
nearly  a  century  without  war:  and  the  inftant  the  form  of  Govern- 
ment was  changed  in  France,  the  republican  principles  of  peace  and 
domeftic  profperiiy  and  ceconomy  arofe  with  the  new  Government; 
and  the  fame  confequences  would  follow  the  fame  caufes  in  other 
Nations. 

As  war  is  the  fyftem  of  Government  on  the  old  conftru^lion,  the 
animofity  which  Nations  reciprocally  entertain,  is  nothing  more 
than  v;hat  the  policy  of  their  Governments  excites  to  keep  up  the 
fpirit  of  the  fyftem.  Each  Government  accufes  the  other  of  perfidy, 
intrigue  and  ambition,  as  a  means  of  heating  the  imagination  of 
of  their  refpeftive  Nations,  and  incenfing  them  to  hoftilities.  Man 
is  not  the  enemy  of  man,  but  through  the  medium  of  a  falfe  fyftem 
of  Government.  Inftead,  therefore,  ot  exclaiming  againlf  the  am- 
bition of  Kings,  the  exclamation  fhould  be  direfted  againft  the 
principle  of  fuch  Governments ;  and  inftead  of  feeking  lo  reform 
the  individual,  the  wifdom  of  a  Nation  fhould  apply  itfelf  to  reform 
the  fyftem. 

Whether  the  forms  and  maxims  ot  Governments  which  are  ftill 
in  praftice,  were  adapted  to  the  conditign  of  tji«  world  at  the  peri- 
od 


(93  ) 

have  the  fame  progreffive  «ff«^„'" T'"„f '^S3"ners.      Agriculture, 
abfolete,  as  they  .^^^  ^P°-f,  ^  ^jj.^tl^^^  prof- 

commerce  manufaaures  and  the  tra  q         ^jg.  /      .^^^  of  Go- 

perity  of  ^^''-"-^^S  fSf  orknowl  dge  to  dire'a  its   opera- 
r^hla  wL^mgtbaiK  required  in^the  former  conditio. 

mankind,  that  m'^"""/  "     .        ,  ^afis  of  national   fovereignty, 
and  that  Revolutions  on  '^^  ^  "^^^  J'^',^^;       V,,;,  „,y  ;„  Europe, 

xnit  them  to  the  iffue  of  <:on^"'fi°J- .     .^  ;„  ^^e  political  world 
From  what  we  "°- f^^i^"°*^8;„^4Tot  Revolmfons.  in  which 
ought  to  be  held  imP'obable.     Itis^an  ag  ^^^.^j^ 

every  thing  may  be  '°°ked  for^    The  m  .J^f  Na- 

the  fyftem  of  war  is  kept  "P-  ™='y  P/°  p„„„„,,    to  patronize   the 


iica. 


FINIS 


RIGHTS  of  MAN. 


PART 

THE        SECOND, 


COMBINING 


Principle  and  Pradice 


B  Y 


v^^ 


THOMAS      PAINE, 


8BCRETARY  EOR  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS  TO  CONGRESS  IN  THE 
AMERICAN  WAR, 

AND  AUTHOR  OF  THE  WORK  ENTITLED   COMMON  SENSE,* 

AND  THE  FIRST  PART  OF  THE  RIGHT*  OF  MAN. 


CARLISLE: 
frintcd  by    GEORGE     KLINE, 


^^OgCa^QUi 


^ 


T    O 


M.   DE   L  A    F  A  r  E  r  r  E. 


AFTER  an  acquaintance  of  nearly Jif teen  years,  in  difficult  fitua- 
tions  in  America,  and  various  confuliations  in  Europe,  J.  feel  a 
pleafure  in  prefenting  to  you  this  [mail  treatife,  in  gratitude  for  your 
fervices  to  my  beloved  America,  and  as  a  kjlimony  of  my  ejleemfor  the 
virtues,  public  and  private,  which  I  know  you  to  pojfefs. 

The  only  point  upon  which  1  could  ever  difcover  that  we  differed, 
was  not  as  to  principles  oj governments  but  as  to  time.  For  my  own 
part,  1  think  it  equally  as  injurious  to  good  principles  to  permit  them 
to  linger,  as  to  pufli  them  on  too  fafi.  That  which  youfuppofe  ac- 
complijhable  in  fourteen  or  fifteen  years,  I  may  believe  pra&ic  able  in  a 
much  Jliorter  period.  Mankind,  as  it  appears  to  me,  are  always  ripe 
enough  to  underfl and  their  true  inter efi,  provided  it  be  prefented  clear- 
ly to  their  under fianding,  and  that  in  a  manner  not  to  create  fu/picion 
by  any  thing  like fdf'defign,  nor  offend  by  offuming  too  much.  tVhere 
we  would  wifh  to  reform  we  mitfi  not  reproach. 

When  the  American  revolution  was  eflabliflied,  I  felt  a  difpofition 
tofitferenely  down  and  enjoy  the  calm.  It  did  not  appear  to  me  that 
any  objeB  could  afterwards  arife  great  enough  to  make  me  quit  tran- 
quillity, and  feel  as  1  had  felt  before.  But  when  principle  and  not 
place,  is  the  energetic  caufe  of  aElion,  a  man,  I  find,  is  every  where, 
thefame, 

Ia?n  now  once  more  in  the  public  world;  and  as  I  have  net  a  right 
to  contemplate  on  jo  many  years  of  remaining  life  as  you  have,  1  am 
refolved  to  labour  as  fafl  as  lean;  and  as  lam  anxious  for  your  aid 
and  your  company,  1  wifh  you  to  haflen  your  principles,  and  overtake 
me. 

If  you  make  a  ca?npaign  the  enfuing  fpring,  which  it  is  mofl  pro- 
bable there  will  be  no  occafionfor,  1  tuilC  come  and  join  you.  Should 
the  ca?upaign  commence,  1  hope  it  will  terminate  in  the  extintlion  of 
German  defpotifm,  and  in  the  eflahlifliing  the  freedom  of  all  Germany. 
When  France jhall  be  fur  rounded  zoith  revolutions,  Jhe  will  be  in  peace 
andfafety,  and  her  taxts,  as  well  as  thofe  of  Germany  will  confe^ 
quently  become  lefs. 

Your  fincere, 

Affedionate  Friend, 

THOMAS     PAINE, 
London^  F^b,  9,  1794. 


PREFACE 


WHEN  I  began  the  chapter  entitled  the  "  Conclufion^^  in  the 
former  part  of  the  RIGHTS  of  MAN,  publiflied  laft 
year,  it  was  my  intention  to  have  extended  it  to  a  greater  length  ; 
but  in  calling  the  whole  matter  in  my  mind  which  I  wifhed  to  add, 
I  found  that  I  muft  either  make  the  work  too  bulky,  or  contraft 
my  plan  too  much.  I  therefore  brought  it  to  a  clofe  as  foon  as  the 
fubje£l  would  admit,  and  referved  what  I  had  further  to  fay  to  an- 
other opportunity. 

Several  other  reafons  contributed  to  produce  this  determination. 
I  wiftied  to  know  the  manner  in  which  a  work,  written  in  a  flyle 
of  thinking  and  expreflion  different  from  what  had  been  cuftomary 
in  England,  would  be  received  before  I  proceeded  farther.  A 
great  field  was  opening  to  the  view  of  mankind  by  means  of  the 
Prenn:h  revolution.  Mr.  Burke's  outrageous  oppofition  thereto 
brought  the  controverfy  into  England.  He  attacked  principles 
which  he  knew  (from  information)  I  would  contefl  with  bin:,  be- 
caufe  they  are  principles  I  believe  to  be  good,  and  which  I  have 
contributed  to  eftablifh,  and  conceive  myfelf  bound  to  defend.— r- 
Had  he  not  urged  the  controverfy,  I  had  moft  probably  been  a 
filent  man. 

Another  reafon  for  deferring  the  remainder  of  the  work  was, 
that  Mr.  Burke  promifed  in  his  firft  publication  to  renew  the  fub- 
jeft  at  another  opportunity,  and  to  make  a  comparifon  of  what  he 
called  the  Englifli  and  French  conflitutions.  I  therefore  held  my- 
ielf  in  referve  for  him.  He  has  publifhed  two  works  fmce,  with- 
out doing  this  ;  which  he  certainly  would  not  have  omitted,  had 
the  cojnparifon  been  in  his  favour. 

In  his  laft  work,  "  Bis  appeal Jrom  the  new  to  the  old  IVhigs^* 
he  has  quoted  about  itn  pages  from  the  Rights  of  Man,  and  having 
given  himfelf  the  trouble  ol  doing  this,  fays,  "  he  fhall  not  attempt 
•*  in  the  fmalleft  degree  to  refute  them,"  meaning  the  principles 
therein  contained.  I  am  enough  acquainted  with  Mr.  Burke  to 
know,  that  he  would  if  he  could.  But  inftead  of  contefling  them, 
he  immediately  after  confoles  himfelf  with  faying,  that  "  he  has 
•'  done  his  part." — He  has  not  done  his  part.  He  has  not  per- 
formed his  promife  of  a  comparifon  of  conflitutions.  He  flarted 
the  controverfy,  he  gave  the  challenge,  and  has  fled  from  it;  and 
he  is  now  a  cafein  point  with  his  own  opinion,  that,  **  the  age.  of 
*'  chivalry  is  gone*'' 

The  title,  as  well  as  the  fubflance  of  his  lafl  wo^k,  his  *•  Appeal^ 
is  his  condemnation.  Principles  mnil  iland  on  their  own  merits, 
and  if  they  are  good  they  certainly  will.  To  put  them  under  the 
Shelter  ot  other  men's  authority,  as  Mr.  Burke  hss  done,  ferves  to 

bring 


(      0      ) 

l)ring  them  into  fufpicion.     Mr.  Burke  is  not  very  fond  of  divid- 
ing his  honours,  but  in  this  cafe  he  is  artfully  dividing  the  difgrace. 

Jiut  who  are  thofe  to  whom  Mr.  Burke  has  made  his  appeal  ? 
A  fet  of  childifh  thinkers  and  half-way  politicians  horn  in  the  lajft 
centuarv  ;  men  who  went  no  farther  with  any  principle  than  as  it 
fp^ited  their  purpofe  as  a  party;  the  nation  was  always  left  out  of 
the  queftion;  and  this  has  been  the  charafter  of  every  party  from 
that  day  to  this.  The  nation  fees  nothing  in  fuch  works,  or  fuch 
politics  worthy  its  attention.  A  little  matter  will  move  a  party, 
but  it  mull  be  fomething  great  that  moves  a  nation. 

Though  I  fee  nothing  in  Mr.  Burke's  Appeal  worth  taking 
much  notice  of,  there  is,  however,  one  exprellion  upon  which  I 
fhall  offer  a  few  remarks. — After  quoting  largely  from  the  Rights 
of  Man,  and  declining  to  conteft  the  principles  contained  in  that 
work,  he  fays,  "  This  will  moft  probably  be  done  "  (if  fuch  zvrit- 
*'  i'^^J  fliall  be  thought  to  defrvc  any  other  refutation  than  that  of 
*'  criminal  juflice)  by  others,  who  may  think  with  Mr,  Burke  and 
"  with  the  fame  zeal." 

In  the  firff  place,  it  has  not  yet  been  done  by  any  body.  Not 
lefs,  I  believe,  than  eight  or  ten  pamphlets  intended  as  anfwers  to 
the  former  part  of  the  "  Rights  of  Man"  have  been  publifhed  by 
different  perfons,  and  not  one  of  them,  to  my  knowledge,  has  ex- 
tended to  a  (econd  edition,  nor  are  even  the  titles  of  them  (o  much 
as  generally  remembered.  As  I  am  averfe  to  unneceffarily  mulii- 
plying  publications,  I  have  anfvvered  none  of  them.  And  as  I  be- 
lieve that  a  man  may  write  himlelf  out  of  reputation  when  nobody 
elfe  can  do  it,  I  am  cat  etui  to  avoid  that  rock. 

But  as  I  would  decline  unnecefTary  publications  on  the  one  hand, 
fo  would  I  avoid  every  thing  that  might  appear  like  fullen  pride 
on  the  Other.  If  Mr.  Burke,  or  any  perfon  on  his  fide  the  quefli- 
on,  will  produce  an  anfwer  to  the  "  Rights  of  Man,"  that  fliall  ex- 
tend to  an  half,  or  even  to  a  fourth  part  of  the  number  of  copies 
to  which  the  Rights  ot  Man  extended,  I  will  reply  to  his  work. 
But  until  this  be  done,  I  Oiall  fo  far  take  the  fenfe  oi  the  public 
for  rny  guide  (and  the  v/orld  knows  I  am  not  a  flatterer)  that  what 
they  do  not  think  worth  while  to  read,  is  rot  worth  mine  to  an- 
fwer.  I  fuppofe  the  number  of  copies  to  uhicli  the  firft  part  of 
xht  Rights  of  Man  extended,  taking  Engla;i:i,  SvOiknd,  and  Ire- 
land, is  not  lefs  than  between  forty  and  fitty  thoufand. 

I  now  come  to  remark  on  the  remaining  part  of  the  quotation 
I  have  made  from  Mr.  Burke. 

"  If,"  fays  he,  "  fuch  writings  fiiall  be  thought  to  deferve  any 
*'  other  refutation  than  that  of  criminal  ]n{\\cz.'' 

Pardoning  the  pun,  it  mud  be  criminat  juflice  indeed  that 
fiiould  condemn  a  work  as  a  fubffitute  for  not  being  able  to  refute 
it.  The  greateft  condemnation  that  could  be  paffed  upon  it  would 
be  atefuution.     But  in  proceeding   by   the  nicihod   Mr.  Burke 

alludes 


(    6     ) 

alludes  to,  the  condemnation  would,  in  the  final  event,  pafs  upon, 
the  criminality  ot  the  procefs  and  not  upon  the  work,  and  in  this 
cafe,  I  had  rather  be  the  author,  than  be  either  the  judge,  or  the 
jury,  that  fhould  condemn  it. 

But  to  come  at  once  to  the  point.  I  have  differed  from  fome 
profefTional  gentlemen  on  the  fubjeft  of  profecutions,  and  I  fince 
find  they  are  falling  into  my  opinion,  which  I  will  here  flate  as 
fully,  but  as  concifely  as  I  can. 

I  will  firft  pat  a  cafe  with  refpeft  to  any  law,  and  then  com- 
pare it  with  a  government,  or  with  what  in  England  is,  ox  has 
been,  called  a  conflitutlon. 

It  would  be  an  a6l  of  defpotifm,  or  what  in  England  is  called 
arbitrary  pov/er,  to  make  a  law  to  prohibit  inveftigating  the  prin- 
ciples, good  or  bad,  on  which  fuch  a  law,  or  any  other  is  founded. 

If  a  law  be  bad,  it  is  one  thing  to  oppofe  the  praftice  of  it,  but 
it  is  quite  a  different  thing  to  expofe  its  errors,  to  reafon  on  its  de- 
fers, and  to  fhow  caufe  why  it  fliould  be  repealed,  or  why  another 
ought  to  be  fubftituted  in  its  place.  I  have  always  held  it  an  o- 
pinion,  (making  it  alfo  my  praftice)  that  it  is  better  to  obey  a  bad 
law,  making  ufe  at  the  fame  time  of  every  argument  to  fhow  its 
errors  and  procure  its  repeal,  than  forcibly  to  violate  it ;  becaufe 
the  precedent  of  breaking  a  bad  law  might  weaken  the  force,  and 
lead  to  a  difcretionary  violation,  of  thofe  which  are  good. 

The  cafe  is  the  fame  with  refpeft  to  principles  and  forms  of  go- 
vernment, ur  to  what  are  called  conftitutions  and  the  parts  of 
which  they  are  compofed. 

It  is  for  the  good  of  nations,  and  not  for  the  emolument  or  ag- 
grandizement of  particular  individuals,  that  government  ought  to 
be  eftabliflied,  and  that  mankind  are  at  the  expence  of  fupporting 
it.  The  defefts  of  every  government  and  conflitution,  both  as  to 
principle  and  form  muff,  on  a  parity  of  reafoning,  be  as  open  to 
difcuffion  as  the  defe6ls  of  a  law,  and  it  is  a  duty  which  every  man 
owes  to  fociety  to  point  them  out.  When  thofe  defers,  and  the 
means  of  remedying  them  are  generally  feen  by  a  nation,  that  na- 
tion will  reform  its  government  or  its  conflitution  in  the  one  cafe, 
as  the  government  repealed  or  reformed  the  law  in  the  other.  The 
operation  of  government  is  rcflri6led  to  the  making  and  the  ad- 
miniftering  of  laws ;  but  it  is  to  a  nation  that  the  right  of  forming 
or  reforming,  generating  or  regenerating  conflitutions  andgovern- 
rr^nis  belong ;  and  confequently  thofe  fubjefls,  as  fubjefts  of  in- 
velllgation,  are  always  before  a  country  as  a  ??ialter  of  right,  and 
cannot,  without  invading  the  general  rights  of  that  country,  be 
made  fubje6ls  for  profccution.  On  this  ground  I  will  meet  Mr. 
Burke  whenever  he  pleafc.  It  is  better  that  the  whole  argument 
fhould  come  out,  than  to  feek  to  flifle  it.  It  was  himfelf  that 
opened  the  controvei  fy,  and  he  ought  not  to  defert  it. 

I  do 


(     7     ) 

I  do  not  believe  that  monarchy  and  ariftocracy  will  continue  kwn 
years  longer  in  any  of  the  enlightened  countries  in  Europe.  It 
better  reafons  can  be  fhown  for  them  than  againft  them,  they  will 
ftand;  if  the  contrary,  they  will  not.  Mankind  are  not  now  to 
be  told  they  ftiall  not  think,  or  they  fhall  not  read  ;  and  pub- 
lications that  go  no  farther  than  to  inveftigate  principles  of  govern- 
ment,  to  invite  men  to  reafon  and  to  refleft,  and  to  (how  the  er- 
rors and  excellences  of  different  fyftems,  have  a  right  to  appear. 
If  they  do  not  excite  attention,  they  are  not  worth  the  trouble  of 
a  profecution  ;  and  if  they  do,  the  profecution  will  amount  to  no- 
thing, fmce  it  cannot  amount  to  a  prohibition  of  reading.  This 
would  be  a  fentence  on  the  public,  inflead  of  the  author,  and 
would  alfo  be  ihe  moft  efFeftual  mode  of  making  or  haflening  re- 
volutions. 

On  all  cafes  that  apply  univerfally  to  a  nation,  with  rerpe6l  to 
fyflems  of  government,  a  jury  of  twelve  men  is  not  competent 
to  decide.  Where  there  are  no  witnelfes  to  be  examined,  no  fafts 
to  be  proved,  and  where  the  whole  matter  is  before  the  whole 
public,  and  the  merits  or  demerits  of  it  refting  on  their  opinion  ; 
and  where  there  is  nothing  to  be  known  in  a  court,  but  what  every 
body  knows  out  of  it,  every  twelve  men  is  equally  as  good  a  jury 
as  the  other,  and  would  mofl  probably  reverie  each  other's  ver- 
di6l;  or  from  the  variety  of  their  opinions,  not  be  able  to  form 
one.  It  is  one  cafe,  whether  a  nation  approve  a  work,  or  a  plan  ; 
but  it  is  quite  another  cafe,  whether  it  will  commit  to  any  fuch 
jury  the  power  of  determining  whether  that  nation  have  a  right  iOy 
or  fliall  reform  its  government,  or  not.  I  mention  thofe  cafes, 
that  Mr.  Burke  may  fee  I  have  not  written  on  Government  with- 
out reflefting  on  what  is  Law,  as  well  as  on  what  are  Rights. — 
The  only  effeftual  jury  in  fuch  cafes  would  be,  a  convention  of 
the  whole  nation  fairly  elefted  ;  for  in  all  fuch  cafes  the  whole  na- 
tion is  the  vicinage.  If  Mr.  Burke  will  propofe  fuch  a  jury,  I 
will  wave  all  privileges  of  being  the  citizen  of  another  country, 
and,  defending  its  principles,  abide  the  iiTue,  provided  he  will  do 
the  fame;  for  my  opinion  is,  that  his  work  and  his  principles 
would  be  condemned  inflead  of  mine. 

As  to  the  prejudices  which  men  have  from  education  and  habit, 
in  favour  of  any  particular  form  or  lyftem  of  government,  thofe 
prejudices  have  yet  to  ftand  the  teft  of  reafon  and  reflexion.  In 
fact,  fuch  prejudices  are  nothing..  No  man  is  prejudiced  in  favour 
of  a  thing,  knowing  it  to  be  wrong.  He  is  attached  to  it  on  the 
belief  of  its  being  right ;  and  when  he  fees  it  is  not  fo,  the  preju- 
dice will  be  gone.  We  have  but  a  defe6iive  idea  of  what  preju- 
dice is.  It  might  be  faid,  that  until  men  think  for  themfelves  the 
whole  is  prejudice,  and  not  opinioii  ;  ior  that  only  is  opinion 
which  is  the  refult  of  reafon  and  reflection.  I  offer  this  remark, 
that  Mr.  Burke  may  not  confide  too  much  in  what  ha?  been  the 
cultomary  prejudices  of  the  country.  I  d®- 


I  do  not  believe  that  tbepeople  of  England  liave  ever  been  fairly 
and  candidly  dealt  by.  They  have  been  impofed  upon  by  parties, 
and  by  men  afTuniiiig  the  charafter  of  leaders.  It  is  time  that  the 
nation  fliould  rife  above  thofe  trifles.  It  is  time  to  difmifs  that  in- 
attention which  has  fo  long  been  the  encouraging  caufe  of  ftretch- 
ing  taxation  to  excefs.  It  is  time  to  difmifs  all  thofe  fongs  and 
toafts  which  are  calculated  to  enflave,  and  operate  to  fuffocate  re- 
fle6lion.  On  all  fuch  fubjefts  men  have  but  to  think,  and  they 
will  neither  a61:  wrong  nor  be  mifled.  To  fay  that  any  people  arc 
not  fit  for  freedom,  is  to  make  poverty  their  choice,  and  to  fay 
they  had  rather  be  loaded  with  taxes  than  not.  If  fuch  a  cafe 
could  be  proved,  it  would  equally  prove  that  thofe  who  govern 
are  not  fit  to  govern  them,  for  they  are  a  part  of  the  fame  national 
mafs. 

But  admitting  governments  to  be  changed  all  over  Europe ;  it 
certainly  may  be  done  without  convulfion  or  revenge.  It  is  not 
worth  making  changes  or  revolutions,  unlefs  it  be  for  fome  great 
national  benefit;  and  when  this  fhall  appear  to  a  nation,  the  dan- 
ger will  be,  as  in  America  and  France,  to  thofe  who  oppofe;  arid 
with  this  refleftion  I  clofe  my  Preface. 

THOMAS    PAINE. 

London^  Feb,  9,  1792. 


RIGHTS 


RIGHTS  of  MAN. 


PART    II. 

INTRODUCTION. 

WHAT  Archimedes  fald  of  the  mechanical  powers,  may  he 
applied  to  Reafon  and  Liberty :  *•  Had  we,"  faid  he,  a 
" place  to  Jland  uporii  we  might  raife  the  world'* 

The  revolution  of  America  prefented  in  politics  what  was  only- 
theory  in  mechanicks.  So  deeply  rooted  were  al  1  the  governments 
of  the  old  world,  and  fo  effeaually  had  the  tyranny  and  antiquity 
of  habit  eftabiifted  itfelf  over  the  mind,  that  no  beginning  could 
be  made  in  Afia,  Africa,  or  Europe,  to  reform  the  political  con- 
dition of  man.  Freedom  had  been  hunted  round  the  globe;  rea- 
fon was  confidered  as  rebellion  ;  and  the  flavery  of  fear  had  made 
men  afraid  to  think. 

But  fuch  is  the  irrefiftible  nature  of  truth,  that  aM  it  afks,  and  all 
it  wants,  is  ihe  liberty  ot  appearing.  The  fun  needs  no  infcription 
to  diftinguiOi  him  from  darknefs ;  and  no  fooner  did  the  American 
governments  difplay  themfelves  to  the  world,  than  defpotifm  felt  a 
ihock,  and  man  began  to  contemplate  redrefs. 

The  independence  of  America,  confidered  merely  as  a  repa- 
ration from  England,  would  have  been  a  matter  but  of  little  im- 
portance, had  it  not  been  accompanied  by  a  revolution  in  the  prin- 
ciples and  pra£lice  of  governments.  She  made  a  (land,  not  for 
herfelt  only,  but  for  the  world,  and  looked  beyond  the  advantages 
herfelf  could  receive.  Even  the  HefTian,  though  hired  to  fight 
againft  her,  may  live  to  blefs  bis  defeat;  and  England,  condemning 
the  vicioufnefs  of  its  government,  rejoice  in  its  mifcarriage. 

As  America  was  the  only  fpot  in  the  political  world,  where  the 
principles  of  univerfal  retorraation  could  begin,  fo  alfo  was  it  the 
beft  in  the  natural  world.  An  alfemblage  of  circumftances  con- 
fpired,  not  only  to  give  birth,  but  to  add  gigantic  maturity  to  its 
principles.  The  fcene  which  that  country  prefents  to  the  eye  of  a 
fpeaator,  has  fomething  in  it  which  generates  and  encourages 
great  ideas.  Nature  appears  to  him  m  magnitude.  The  mighty 
objefts  he  beholds,  aft  upon  his  mind  by  enlarging  it,  and  he  par- 
takes of  the  greatnefs  he  contemplates.— Its  full  fettlcrs  were  emi- 
grants  from  different  European  nations,  and  of  diverfified  pro-- 
leflions  of  religion,  retiring  from  the  governmental  perfccutions 

B  «f 


{     lo    ) 

of  the  old  world,  «nd  meeting  in  the  new,  not  as  enemies,  but  za 
brothers.  The  wants  which  necefTarily  accompany  the  cultivation 
of  a  wildernefs  produced  among  them  a  ftate  of  fociety,  which 
countries,  long  harralfed  by  the  quarrels  and  intrigues  of  govern- 
ments, had  neglefted  to  cherifh.  In  fuch  a  fituation  man  become* 
what  he  ought.  He  fees  his  {pecies,  not  with  the  inhuman  idea  of 
a  natural  enemy,  but  as  kindred;  and  the  example  (hews  to  the  ar- 
tificial world,  that  man  muft  go  back  to  Nature  for  information. 

Fiom  the  rapid  progrels  which  America  makes  in  every  fpecies 
of  improvement,  it  is  rational  to  conclude,  that  if  the  govern- 
ment of  Afia,  Africa,  and  Europe,  had  begun  on  a  principle,  fi- 
milar  to  that  of  America,  or  haJ  not  been  very  early  corrupted 
therefrom,  that  thofc  countries  mull  by  this  liine  have  been  in  a  far 
Superior  condition  to  what  they  are.  Age  after  age  has  pafled  away, 
for  no  other  purpofe  than  to  behold  their  wretchednefs. — Could  wc 
I'uppofe  a  fpeftator  who  knew  nothing  of  the  world,  and  who  was 
put  into  it  mere'y  to  make  his  obfervations,  he  would  take  a  great 
part  of  the  old  world  to  be  new,  jufl  ftruggling  with  the  difficulties 
and  liardfhips  of  an  infant  fettlement.  He  could  not  fjppol'e  that 
the  hordes  of  miferable  poor;  with  which  old  countries  abound, 
could  be  any  other  than  thofe  who  had  not  yet  had  time  lo  provide 
lor  themfelves.  Little  would  he  think  they  were  the  confequcncc 
of  what  in  fuch  countries  is  called  government. 

If,  from  the  more  wretched  parts  ot  the  old  world,  we  look  at 
thofe  which  are  in  an  advanced  llage  of  improvement,  wc  ftill  find 
ihe  greedy  hand  of  government  thrufting  itfelf  into  every  corner 
and  crevice  ot  indullry,  and  grafping  the  fpoil  ot  the  multitude. 
Invention  is  continually  cxercifed,  to  furnifh  new  pretences  for 
revenue  and  taxation.  It  watches  profperity  as  its  prey,  and  pcr- 
jnits  none  to  efcape  without  a  tribute. 

As  revolutions  have  begun,  (and  as  the  probability  is  always 
greater  againft  a  thing  beginning,  than  of  proceeding  after  it  has 
begun)  it  is  natural  to  expe£l  that  other  revolutions  will  follow. — 
The  amazing  and  ftill  increafing  expcnces  with  which  old  govern- 
ments are  condutied,  the  numerous  wars  they  engage  in  or  pro- 
voke, the  embarrairments  they  throw  in  the  way  of  univerfal  ci- 
vilization and  commerce,  and  the  opprefTion  and  ufurpation  they 
aft  at  home,  have  wearied  eut  the  patience,  and  exhaufted  the  pro- 
perty of  the  world.  In  fuch  a  fituation,  and  with  th«  examples 
already  cxifting,  revolutions  are  to  be  looked  tor.  They  are  be- 
come fubje6is  of  univerfal  converfation,  and  may  be  confidcred  as 
the  Order  of  the  day. 

If  fyftenis  of  government  can  be  introduced,  lefs  cxpenfive,  and 
more  produ6fJve  of  general  happinefs,  than  thofe  which  have  ex- 
ifted,  all  attempts  to  oppofe  their  progrefs  will  in  the  end  be  fruit- 
lefs.  Reafon,  like  time,  will  make  its  own  way,  and  prejudice 
vill  {all  in  a  combat  with  intcrcll.    If  univerfal  peace,  civilization 

aud 


(  ^i  ) 

and  commerce,  are  ever  eo  be  the  happy  lot  of  man,  it  cannot  be 
accomplifhed  hut  by  a  revolution  in  tlie  fydem  of  governments.— 
All  the  monarchical  governments  are  military.  War  is  their  trade, 
plunder  and  revenue  their  objefts.  While  fuch  governments  con- 
tinue, peace  has  not  the  abfoluie  fecurity  of  a  dav.  What  is  the 
hillory  ot  all  monarchial  governments,  but  a  difguftful  pi£lure  of 
human  wreichedncfs,  and  the  accidental  refpite  of  a  few  years  re- 
pofe  ?  Wearied  with  war,  and  tired  with  human  butchery,  they 
fat  down  to  reit  and  called  it  peace.  This  certainly  is  not  the  con- 
dition that  Heaven  intended  for  man  ;  and  if  this  ht  monarchy^ 
well  might  monarchy  be  reckoned  among  the  fins  of  the  Jews. 

The  revolutions  which  formerly  took  place  in  the  world,  had 
nothing  in  them  that  interefted  the  bulk  of  mankind.  They  ex- 
tended only  to  a  change  of  perfons  and  meafurcs  but  not  of  prin- 
ciples, and  rofe  or  fell  among  the  common  tranfaffions  of  the  mo- 
ment. What  we  now  behold,  may  not  improperly  be  called  a 
"  counter  revolution.''  Conqueit  and  tyranny,  at  lom.e  early  pe- 
riod, difpoffefTed  man  of  his  rights,  and  he  is  now  recoverin^fj 
them.  And  as  the  tide  of  all  human  affairs  has  its  ebb  and  flov/  ih 
directions  contrary  to  each  other,  fo  alfo  is  it  in  this.  Government 
founded  on  a  moral  theory^  on  a  fyjltm  of  univerfal  peace,  on  the 
indtjeafibie  hereditary  Rights  of  Man^  is  now  revolving  from  weft 
to  eail,  by  a  ftronger  impulfe  than  the  government  of  the  fword 
revolved  from  eaft  to  weff.  It  interefts  not  particular  individuals, 
butnations  in  its  progrefs,  and  promifes  a  new  asra  to  the  human  race. 

The  danger  to  which  the  fucccfs  of  revolutions  is  moft  expofed, 
is  that  of  attempting  them  before  the  principles  on  which  they  pro- 
ceed, and  the  advantages  to  refult  from  them,  are  fufficiently  feen 
and  underftood.  A'moll  every  thing  appertaining  to  the  circum- 
flances  of  a  nation,  has  been  abforbed  and  confounded  under  the 
general  and  myflerious  word  government.  Though  it  avoids  taking 
to  its  account  the  errors  it  commits,  and  the  mifchiefs  it  occafions, 
it  fails  not  to  arrogate  to  itfelf  whatever  has  the  appearance  of  pro- 
fperity.  It  robs  indufiry  of  its  honours,  by  pedanticly  making  it- 
felf the  caule  of  its  eflfefts  ;  and  purloins  from  the  general  charac- 
ter ot  man,  the  merits  that  appertain  to  him  as  a  focial  being. 

It  may  therefore  be  of  ufe,  in  this  day  of  revolutions,  to  difcri- 
minate  between  thofe  things  which  are  the  effcff  of  government, 
and  thofe  which  are  not.  This  will  befl  be  done  by  taking  a  re- 
riew  of  fociety  and  civilization,  and  the  confequcnces  relulting 
therefrom,  as  things  diftinCl  from  what  are  called  governments. — 
By  beginning  with  this  inveftigation,  we  fhall  be  able  to  afTign  ef- 
fects to  their  proper  caufe.  and  analize  the  mafs  of  common  errors. 


CHAP,     h 


(^»  ) 

,      .  C  H  A  p.     I. 

Of   SOCIETY  and   CIVILIZATION. 

GREAT  part  of  that  order  which  reigns  among  mankind  is 
not  the  til  61:  of  government.  It  has  its  origin  in  the  prin- 
ciples of  fociety  and  the  natural  conftiiuiion  of  man.  It  exifted 
prior  to  government,  and  would  exiU  ;t  the  formahty  of  govern- 
ment was  aboHfhed.  The  mutual  dependence  and  reciprocal  in- 
tereft  which  man  has  upon  man,  and  a'l  the  parts  of  a  civilized 
community  upon  each  other,  create  that  great  chain  of  connexion 
which  holds  it  together.  The  landholder,  the  farmer,  the  m^nu- 
fdj-surer,  the  merchant,  the  tradefman,  and  every  occupation,  prof- 
pfis  by  the  aid  which  each  receives  irom  the  other,  and  from  the 
whole.  Common  intereft  regulates  their  concerns,  and  tormf 
their  law;  and  the  laws  which  common  ufage  ordains,  have  a  great- 
er influence  than  the  laws  of  governnient.  In  fine,  fociety  per- 
forms for  itfelf  almoll  every  thing  which  is  afcribed  to  government. 

To  underftaiid  ihe  nature  and  quantity  of  government  proper 
for  man,  it  is  neceiFary  to  attend  to  his  charatler.  As  nature 
created  him  for  focial  life,  (he  fined  him  for  the  ftation  fhe  in- 
tended.  In  aU  cafes  fhe  made  his  natural  wants  greater  than  his 
individual  powers.  No  one  man  is  capable,  without  the  aid  of 
fociety,  ot  fupplying  his  own  wants ;  and  thofe  wants,  afting 
upon  every  individual,  impel  the  whole  of  them  into  fociety,  as 
naturally  as  giavitation  a6fs  to  a  centre. 

But  fhe  has  gone  further.  She  has  not  only  forced  man  into 
locitty,  by  a  diverfity  of  wants,  which  the  reciprocal  aid  of  each 
«ther  can  lupply,  but  Ihe  has  implanted  in  him  a  fyfteni  of  focial 
aflfe^lions,  which,  though  not  neceflary  to  his  exiftence,  are  fffen- 
tjal  to  his  happinefs.  There  is  no  period  in  life  when  this  love 
for  fociety  ceafes  to  aft.     It  begins  and  ends  with  our  being. 

If  we  examine,  with  attention,  into  the  compofition  and  con- 
ilitation  of  man,  the  diverfity  of  his  wants,  and  the  diverfity  of 
talents  in  different  men  for  reciprocally  accommodating  the  wants 
of  each  other,  his  propenfity  to  fociety,  and  confequently  to  pre- 
ferve  the  advantages  refultingfrom  it,  we  fhall  eafily  difcover,  that 
a  great  part  of  what  is  called  government  is  mere  impofiiion. 

Government  is  no  farther  neceffary  than  to  fupply  the  few  cafes 
to  which  fociety  and  civilization  are  not  conveniently  competent; 
and  inflances  are  not  wanting  to  fhcw,  that  every  thing  which 
government  can  ufefully  add  thereto,  has  been  performed  by  the 
common  confent  of  fociety,  without  government. 

For  upwards  of  two  years  from  the  commencement  of  the  Ame- 
rican war,  and  to  a  longer  period  in  feveral  of  the  American 
States,  there  were  no  eflablifhed  forms  ot  government.  The  old 
governments  had  been  aboiifhed,  and  the  country  was  too  ranch 
occupied  in  defence,  to  employ  its  attention  in  eflablifhing   new 

governments  I 


(    '3    ) 

governments  ;  yet  during  this  interval,  order  and  harmony  were 
preferved  as  inviolate  as  in  any  country  in  Europe.  There  is  a 
natural  aptnefs  in  man,  and  more  lo  in  fociety,  becaufc  it  cm- 
braces  a  greater  variety  of  abilities  and  refourcc^  to  accommodate 
itfelf  to  whatever  fitaation  it  is  in.  The  inft*»nt  formal  govern- 
ment is  abolilhcd,  fociety  begins  to  aft.  A  general  airociaiion 
takes  place,  and  common  interefl;  produces  conimon  fecurity. 

So  far  is  it  from  being  true,  as  has  been  pretended,  that  the 
abolition  of  any  formal  government  is  the  dllTolution  of  fociety, 
that  it  afts  by  a  contrary  impulfe,  and  brings  the  latter  the  clofer 
together.  All  that  part  of  its  organization  which  it  had  commit- 
ted to  its  government,  devolves  again  upon  itfelf,  and  a6ls  through 
its  medium.  When  men,  as  well  from  natural  mftinft,  as  from 
reciprocal  benefits,  have  habituated  themfelves  to  focial  and  civi- 
lized life,  there  is  always  enough  of  its  principles  in  practice  to 
carry  them  through  any  changes  thev  may  find  nccefl'ary  or  con- 
venient to  make  in  their  government.  In  Ihort,  man  is  fo  natu- 
rally a  creature  of  fociety,  that  it  is  almoft  impofhble  to  put  him 
out  of  it. 

Formal  government  makes  but  a  fmall  part  of  civilized  life  ; 
and  when  even  the  beilthat  human  wifdom  can  devife  is  eftablilh- 
ed,  it  is  a  thing  more  in  name  and  idea,  than  in  fd£l.  It  is  to  the 
great  and  fundamental  principles  of  fociety  and  civilization — to 
the  common  ufage  univerfally  confented  to,  and  mutually  and 
reciprocally  maintained— to  the  unceafing  circulation  of  intereft, 
which,  paffing  through  its  million  channels,  invigorates  the  whole 
mafs  of  civilized  man — it  is  to  thefe  things,  infinitely  more  than 
to  any  thing  which  even  the  beft  inftituted  government  can  per- 
form, that  the  lafety  and  profperity  of  the  individual  and  of  the 
%vhole  depend. 

The  more  perfe£i:  civilization  is,  the  lefs  occafion  has  it  for 
government,  becaufe  the  more  does  it  regulate  its  own  affairs,  and 
govern  itfelf;  but  fo  contrary  is  the  practice  ot  old  governments 
to  the  reafon  of  the  cafe,  that  the  expences  of  them  increafe  in 
the  proportion  they  ought  to  diminifh.  It  is  but  few  general  laws 
that  civilized  life  requires,  and  thofc  of  (iich  common  ufefulnefs, 
that  whether  they  are  enforced  by  the  forms  of  government  or 
not,  the  effeft  will  be  nearly  the  fame.  If  we  confider  what  the 
principles  are  that  firfl  condenfe  men  into  fociety,  and  what  the 
motives  that  regulate  their  mutual  intercourfe  afterwards,  we  fhall 
find,  by  the  time  we  arrive  at  what  is  cal'ed  government,  that 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  bufinefs  is  perlormed  by  the  natural  ope. 
ration  of  the  parts  upon  each  other. 

Man,  with  refpeft  roall  thofe  matters,  is  more  a  creature  of 
confiftency  than  he  is  aware,  jar  than  governments  would  wifh 
him  to  believe.  All  the  great  laws  of  fociety  are  'aws  of  nature. 
Thofe  of  trade  and  commerce,  whether  with  r^fpe6l  to  the  inter- 
courfe 


(    M    ) 

•ourfe  of  individuals,  or  of  nations,  are  laws  of  mutual  and  re- 
ciprocal intcrcft.  They  are  followed  and  obeyed,  becaufe  it  is 
the  intercft  of  the  parties  fo  to  do,  and  not  on  account  of  any 
formal  laws  their  governments  may  impofe  or  interpofe. 

But  how  often  is  the  natural  prepenfity  to  fociety  difturbed  or 
ieftroyrd  by  the  operations  of  government!  When  the  laner, 
inflead  of  being  ingrafted  on  the  principles  of  the  former,  aflumes 
to  exift  for  itfelf,  and  afts  by  partialities  of  favour  and  opprcflion, 
it  becomes  thecaufe  of  the  niifchicfs  it  ought  to  prevent. 

If  we  look  back  to  the  riots  and  tumults,  which  at  various  times 
have  happened  in  England,  we  (hall  find,  that  they  did  not  proceed 
from  the  want  of  a  government,  but  that  government  was  itfelf 
the  generating  caufe;  inflead  of  confolidating  fociety  it  divided 
it ;  it  deprived  it  of  its  natural  cohefion,  and  engendered  difcon. 
tents  and  diforders,  which  otherwife  would  not  have  exifted.  In 
thofc  affociations  which  men  promifcuoufly  form  for  the  purpofc 
of  trade,  or  of  any  concern,  in  which  government  is  totally  out  of 
the  queftion,  and  in  which  they  aft  merely  on  the  principles  of 
fociety,  we  fee  how  naturally  the  various  parties  unite  ;  and  this 
(hews,  by  comparifon,  that  governments,  fo  far  from  being  al- 
ways the  caufe  or  means  of  order,  arc  often  the  deilruftion  of  it. 
The  riots  of  1780  hail  no  other  fource  than  the  remains  of  thofq 
prejudices,  which  the  government  itielf  had  encouraged.  But 
with  refpeft  to  England  there  are  alfo  other  caufes. 

Excels  and  inequality  of  taxation,  however  difguifed  in  the 
means,  never  fail  to  appear  in  their  efFefts.  As  a  great  mafs  of 
the  community  are  thrown  thereby  into  poverty  and  difcontent, 
they  arc  conflantly  on  the  brink  of  commotion  ;  and  deprived, 
as  the  unfortunately  are,  of  the  means  of  information,  are  eafily 
heated  to  outrage.  Whatever  the  apparent  caule  of  any  riots 
may  be,  the  real  one  is  always  want  of  happinefs.  It  ihews  that 
fomething  is  wrong  in  the  fyftem  of  governrneat,  that  injures  the 
felicity  by  which  fociety  is  to  be  preferved. 

But  as  fa£l  is  fuperior  to  reafoning,  the  inflance  of  America 
prefents  itfelf  to  confirm  thefe  obfervations. — If  there  is  a  country 
in  the  world,  where  concord,  according  to  common  calculation, 
would  be  leaft  expefted,  it  is  America.  Made  up,  as  it  is,  of 
people  from  different  nations,*^'   accuftomed  to  different  forms  and 

habits 

*  That  part  of  America  which  it  generallf  called  New-England, 
including  New'Hamplhire,  Maffachufet.i,  Rbodc-Ifland,  and  Connec- 
ticut, is  peopled  chiefly  bj  tngliOi  defcendanci.  In  the  State  of  New- 
York  about  half  are  Dutch,  the  reft  Englifh,  Scotch,  and  Irirti.  la 
New-Jerfcf,  a  mixture  of  EngliOi  and  Dutch,  with  fome  Scotch,  and 
Iriili.  In  Fennfylvania,  about  one-third  arc  Englifh,  another  Ger- 
raani,  and  the  remainder  Scotch  and  Irirti,  with  fome  Swedet.  The 
State*  t«  the  fouthward  have  a  greater  proportion  of  Engliih  than  the 

middle 


(    «5   ) 

habits  of  governinent,  fpeaking  different  languages,  and  more 
different  in  their  modes  of  woifhip,  it  would  appear  that  the  union 
of  fuch  a  people  was  imprafticable;  but  by  the  fimple  operation 
of  conflru6fing  government  on  the  principles  of  fociety  and  the 
rights  of  man,  every  difficulty  retires,  and  all  the  parts  are  brought 
into  cordial  unifon.  There,  the  poor  are  not  oppreffed,  the  rich 
are  not  privileged.  Induflry  is  not  mortified  by  the  fplcndid  ex- 
travagance of  a  court  rioting  at  its  expencc.  Their  taxes  are  few, 
becaufe  their  government  is  jufl ;  and  as  there  is  nothing  to  render 
them  wretched,  there  is  nothing  to  engender  riots  and  tumults. 

A  metaphyfical  man,  like  Mr,  Burke,  would  have  tortured 
his  invention  to  difcover  how  fuch  a  people  could  be  governed. 
He  would  have  fuppoled  that  fome  mufl  be  managed  by  fraud, 
others  by  force,  and  all  by  fome  contrivance ;  that  genius  muft 
be  hired  to  impofe  upon  ignorance,  and  (hew  and  parade  to  faf- 
cinate  the  vulgar.  Loft  in  the  abundance  of  his  refearchcs,  he 
would  have  refolved  and  re-refolved,  and  finally  overlooked  the 
plain  and  eafy  road  that  lay  direftly  before  him. 

One  of  the  great  advantages  of  the  American  revolution  hag 
been,  that  it  led  to  a  difcovery  of  the  principles,  and  laid  open 
the  impofuion  of  governments.  All  the  revolutions  till  then  had 
been  worked  within  the  atmofphere  of  a  court,  and  never  on  the 
great  floor  of  a  nation.  The  parties  were  always  of  the  clafs  of 
courtiers ;  and  whatever  was  their  rage  for  reformation,  they 
carefullv  preferved  the  fraud  of  the  profeifion. 

In  all  cafes  they  took  care  to  reprefenc  government  as  a  thing 
made  up  of  mylleries,  which  only  themfelves  under  flood;  and 
they  hid  from  the  underftanding  of  the  nation,  the  only  thing 
that  was  beneficial  to  know,  namely.  That  government  is  nothing 
more  than  a  national  ajfociation  aElmg  on  the  principles  ofjociety. 

Having  thus  endeavoured  to  fhcw,  that  the  focial  and  civi- 
lized flate  of  man  is  capable  of  performing  within  itfe'f,  almofl 
every  thing  neceffary  to  its  protefcf  ion  and  governmeBt,  it  will  be 
proper,  on  the  other  hand,  to  take  a  review  of  the  prefent  old 
governments,  and  examine  whether  their  principles  and  pra6ticc 
*rc  correfpondent  thereto. 

CHAP.     II. 
OJtheOuixxv  of  the  prefent  OLD  GOVERNMENTS. 

IT  is impoffi^le  that  fuch  governments  as  have  hitherto  exiftcd  in 
the  world,  could  have  commenced  by  any  other  means  than  a 
total  violation  of  every  principle  f.^red  and  moral.     The  obfcu- 

-rity 

middle  Statei,  but  in  all  of  them  there  it  a  mixture  ;  and  beCdes  thof« 
•Qumeraied,  thee  are  a  confiHcrable  number  of  French,  and  fome  few 
of  sll  the  European  nations  lying  on  the  coaft.  The  raoft  nuraeroui 
telijsiout  denomination  are  the  Prelbrtcrians  ;  but  no  on»  feft  i*  eft*- 
blirticd  abovo  aQothcr|  and  all  tucn  acQ  e^u^U/  ciiizqns. 


(    »6    ) 

Tity  in  which  the  origin  of  all  the  prefent  old  governmf  nts  is  bu- 
ried, implies  the  iniquity  and  difgracc  with  which  thcv  began. — 
The  origin  of  the  prefent  governments  o[  America  and  France  will 
ever  be  remembered,  bccaufe  it  is  honotuable  to  record  n ;  but 
with  refpeft  to  the  reft,  even  Flattery  has  configned  them  to  the 
tomb  of  time,  without  an  infcrlption. 

It  could  have  been  no  difficult  thing  in  the  early  and  folltary 
ages  of  the  world,  while  the  chief  employment  of  men  was  that  of 
attending  flocks  and  herds,  for  a  banditti  of  ruffians  to  over-run  a 
country,  and  lay  it  under  contributions.  Their  power  being  thus 
cftabliftied,  the  chief  of  the  band  contrived  to  lofe  the  name  of 
Robber  in  that  oi  Monarch  ;  and  hence  the  origin  ot  Monarchy 
and  Kings. 

The  origin  of  the  government  of  England,  fo  far  as  relates  to 
what  is  called  its  line  of  monarchy,  being  one  ot  the  lateft,  is  per- 
haps the  beft  recorded.  The  hatred  which  the  Norman  invafion 
and  tyranny  begat,  mufl;  have  been  deeply  rooted  in  the  nation,  to 
have  outlived  the  contrivance  to  obliterate  it.  Though  not  a 
courtier  will  talk  of  the  curleu-bell,  not  a  village  in  England  has 
forgotten  it. 

Thofe  bands  of  robbers  having  parcelled  out  the  world,  and  di- 
vided it  into  dominions,  began,  as  is  naturally  the  cafe,  to  quarrel 
with  each  other.  What  at  firl>  was  obtained  by  violence,  was 
confidered  by  others  as  lawful  to  be  taken,  and  a  fecond  plunderer 
fucceededthe  firft;  They  alternately  invaded  the  dominions  which 
eachhadaffigned  to  himfelf,  and  the  brutality  with  which  they 
treated  each  other  explains  the  original  charafter  of  monarchy. 
It  was  ruffian  torturing  ruffian.  The  conqueror  confidered  the 
conquered,  not  ashisprifoner,  but  his  property.  He  led  him  in 
triumph  rattling  in  chains,  and  doomed  him,  at  pleafure,  to  fla- 
very  or  death.  As  time  obliterated  the  hiftory  of  their  beginning, 
their  fucceffors  affumed  new  appearances,  to  cut  off  the  entail  of 
their  difgrace,  but  their  principles  and  objefts  remained  the  fame. 
Whatatfirft  was  plunder,  affumed  the  fofter  name  of  revenue; 
and  the  power  originally  ufurped,  they  affefted  to  inherit. 

From  fuch  beginning  of  governments,  what  could  be  expelled, 
but  a  continual  fyftern  of  vvar  and  extortion  ?  It  has  eftabliftied 
itfelf  into  a  trade.  The  vice  ii  not  peculiar  to  one  more  than  to 
another,  but  is  the  common  principle  of  all.  There  does  not  exift 
within  fuch  governments,  a  ffamina  whereon  to  ingraft  reforma- 
tion ;  and  the  (horteft  and  raoft  effedual  remedy  is  to  begin  anew. 

What  fcenes  of  horror,  what  perfeftion  of  iniquity,  prefent 
ihemfclves  in  contemplating  the  charafler,  and  reviewing  the 
hiftory  of  fuch  governments  I  If  we  would  delineate  human  na- 
ture with  abafenefs  of  heart,  and  hypocrify  of  countenance,  that 
Tefleftion  would  fhudder  at  and  humanity  difown,  it  is  kings 
courts  and  cabinets,  thatmuft  fit  for  the  portrait.  Man,  naturally, 
as  he  is,  with  all  his  faults  about  him,  \$  not  up  to  the  charaftcr. 


i  17  ; 

Can  we  poflibly  fuppofe  that  if  governments  had  originated  in  a 
right  principle,  and  had  not  an  intereH  in  purfuing  a  wrong  one, 
that  the  world  could  have  been  in  the  wretched  and  quarrelforne 
condition  we  have  f'een  it?  What  inducement  has  the  farmer,  while 
following  the  plough,  to  lay  afide  his  peaceful  purfuits,  and  go  to 
war  with  the  farmer  of  another  country?  or  what  inducement  has 
the  manufafturer  ?  What  is  dominion  to  them,  or  to  any  clafs  of 
men  in  a  nation  ?  Does  it  add  an  acre  to  any  man's  eftate,  or  raife 
its  value?  Are  not  conqueft  and  defeat  each  of  the  fame  price,  and 
taxes  the  neverfailing  confequence  ? — Though  this  reafoning  may 
be  good  to  a  nation,  it  is  not  fo  to  a  government.  War  is  the 
Pharo  table  of  governments,  and  nations  the  dupes  of  the  game. 

If  there  is  any  thing  to  wonder  at  in  this  mileiable  fcerxe  uf  go- 
vernments, more  than  might  be  expelled,  it  is  the  progrefs  which 
ihe  peaceful  arts  of  agriculture,  manufa6fure  and  commerce  have 
made,  beneath  fuch  a  long  accumulating  load  of  dilcouragement 
and  oppreffion.  It  ferves  to  ihew,  that  mftin£t  in  animals  does  not 
aft  with  llronger  impulfe,  than  the  principles  of  fociety  and  civil- 
ization operate  in  man.  Under  all  difcouragements,  he  purfues 
his  obje£l,  and  yields  to  nothing  but  impoinbiliiies. 

CHAP.      III. 
0/  ihe  Old  and  New  Systems  of  GOVERNMENT. 

NOTHING  can  appear  more  contradiftory  than  the  princi- 
ples on  which  the  oid  governments  began,  and  the  condition 
to  which  fociety,  civilization,  and  commerce,  are  capable  of  carry- 
ing mankind.  Government  on  the  old  fyfiem,  is  an  afTuraption  of 
power,  for  the  aggrandifement  of  itfelf;  on  the  new,  a  delegation 
of  power,  fo!  the  common  benefit  of  fociety.  The  former  fup- 
ports  itfelf  by  keeping  up  a  fyfiem  of  v/ar;  the  latter  promotes  a 
fyflem  ot  peace,  as  the  true  m.eans  of  enriching  a  nation.  The 
one  encourages  national  prejudices;  the  other  promotes  iinivcrfal 
lociety,  as  the  means  of  univerfal  commerce.  The  one  meafurcs 
its  profperity,  by  the  quaniitv  of  revenue  it  extorts;  the  other 
proves  its  excellence,  by  the  imall  quantity  of  taxes  it  requires. 

Mr.  Burke  has  talked  of  old  and  new  whigs.  If  he  can  amuie 
himfelf  with  childifh  names  and  diflinftions,  1  fnall  not  interrupt 
his  pleafure.  It  is  not  to  him,  but  to  the  Abbe  Sieyes,  that  I  ad- 
drefs  this  chapter.  1  am  already  engaged  to  the  latter  gentleman, 
to  difcufs  the  fubjeft  of  monarchical  government;  and  as  it  natural- 
ly occurs  in  comparing  the  old  and  new  fyftcms,  I  make  this  the 
opportunity  of  prefentinfr  to  him.  my  obfervaiions.  1  Ihiill  qcca- 
fionally  take  Mr.  Burke  in  my  way. 

Though  it  might  be  proved  that  the  fyftem  of  government  now 
railed  the  N  E\\%  is  th.e  moft  ar:cicnt  in  princiDic  of  all  that  have  ex- 

C  *  iiled, 


(  1^  } 

iucd,  being  fruna^d  on  the  original  inherent  Rights  of  Man;  ye(> 
as  tyranny  and  the  fu'crJ  liave  fufpended  the  excrcife  of  thofe. 
rights  for  rn::ny  centuries  paff,  it  fervcs  better  the  purpofe  of  diftinc- 
tion  to  ci'il  it  the  nezL\  than  to  claim  the  right  ot  calHng  it  the  old. 
The  fi'd  general  diftinftion  between  tliofe  two  fyilems,  is,  that 
the  one  now  called  the  old  is  hcrcditarv^  either  in  wliole  or  in 
part ;  and  the  new  is  entirely  reprep.ntativc.  It  rejecls  all  heredita- 
ry governmerit. 

Firff,  As  being  an  impofition  on  mankind. 
Secondly,  As  inadequate  to  the  purpofes  for  which  government 
is  necedary. 

With  refpecl  to  the  firft  ot  thefe  heads — It  cannot  be  proved  by 
what  right  hereditary  government  could  begin  ;  neither  does  there 
exift  within  the  conipafs  of  mortal  pov.'cr,  a  right  to  cflablifh  it. — 
Man  has  no  authority  over  poflcrity  in  matters  of  perfonal  right ; 
and  therefore,  no  man,  or  body  ot  men,  had,  or  can  have,  a  right 
to  fet  up  hereditary  government.  Were  even  ourfelves  to  come 
again  into  exigence,  inllead  ot  being  fucceeded  by  pofterity,  we 
have  not  now  the  right  ot  taking  from  ourlelves  the  rights  which 
would  then  be  ours.  On  v/hat  ground,  then,  do  we  pretend  to 
take  them  from  others  ? 

All  hereditary  government  is  in  its  nature  tyranny.  An  herit- 
able crown,  ox  an  heritable  throne,  or  by  what  other  fanciful  name 
fiich  things  may  be  called,  have  no  other  fignificant  explanation 
than  that  mankind  arc  heritable  property.  To  inherit  a  govern- 
ment, is  to  inherit  the  people,  "as  if  they  were  flocks  and  herds. 

With  refpcft  to  the  fecond  head,  that  of  being  inadequate  to  the 
purpofes  for  which  government  is  necefFary,  we  have  only  to  conH- 
der  what  government  eirentially  is^  and  compare  it  with  the  cir- 
cumdances  to  which  hereditary  fuccelTion  is  fubje6t. 

GovernmiCnt  ought  to  be  a  thing  always  in  full  maturity.  It 
ought  to  be  fo  conltrufted  as  to  be  fuperior  to  all  the  accidents  to 
which  individual  man  is  fubjeft ;  and  therefore,  hereditary  fuc- 
cefiion,  by  being  fubjttl  to  them  all,  is  the  mod  irregular  and  im- 
perfect ot  all  the  fyflems  of  government. 

We  have  heard  the  Rights  of  Man  called  a  Lvdling  fyflem  ;  but 
the  only  fyilem  to  which  the  word  levelling  is  truly  applicable,  is 
the  hereditary  monarchical  fyflern.  It  is  a  fyflem  ot  7nental  levelling. 
It  indifcriminateiy  admits  every  fpecies  of  charaRer  to  the  fame  au- 
thority. Vice  and  virtue,  ignorance  and  wifdom,  in  Ihort,  every 
quality,  good  or  bad,  is  put  on  the  fame  level.  Kings  fuccced  each 
other,  not  as  raiicnals,  but  as  animals.  It  fignifies  not  what  their 
nicntal  or  moral  churafters  arc.  Can  we  then  be  furprifed  at  the 
ahjecl:  ftateof  the  humr4n  mind  in  monarchical  countries,  when  the 
government  itfclf  is  formed  on  fuch  an  abjc61  levelling  fyltem?— 
It  has  no  fixed  charafter.  To-day  it  is  one  thing;  to-morrow  it  is 
fomething  elfe.  It  changes  with  the  temper  of  every  fucceeding  in- 
dividual, 


(    19    ) 

dividual,  and  is  fabjeft  to  all  the  varieties  of  each.  It  is  govern- 
ment through  the  medium  of  pafiloiis  and  accidents.  It  appears 
under  ail  the  various  chara6ler3  oi  childiiood,  decrepitude,  dotage, 
a  thing  at  nurfe,  in  leading-firings,  or  in  crutches.  It  reveriCSihe 
wholeiomc  order  of  nature.  It  occafionally  puts  children  over 
men,  and  the  conceits  ot  non-age  over  wildom  and  experience. 
In  fiiort,  we  cannot  conceive  a  more  ridiculous  figure  of  govern- 
ment, than  hereditary  fuccclTion,  in  a'.I  its  cafes,  prefents. 

Could  it  be  made  a  decree  in  nature,  or  an  editt  regiftered  in 
heaven,  and  man  could  know  it,  that  virtue  and  wifdom  ihould  in- 
varicibly  appertain  to  hereditary  lucceflTion,  the  cbje^iions  lo  it 
would  be  rem.oved;  but  when  we  lee  that  nature  afls  as  if  fhe  dif- 
owned  and  fported  with  the  hereditary  fyflem ;  thjt  the  mental 
chara6^£rs  of  fuccefTors,  in  all  countries,  are  below  the  average  of 
human  undcrftanding;  th::t  one  is  a  tyrant,  another  an  ideot,  a 
third  infane,  and  fome  all  three  together,  it  is  impoifible  to  attach 
conlidence  to  if,  when  reafon  in  rxian  has  power  to  act. 

It  is  not  to  the  Abbe  Sieycs  that  1  need  apply  this  reafoning  ; 
he  has  already  faved  me  that  trouble,  by  giving  his  own  opinion 
upon  the  cafe.  "  If  ii  he  aOted,"  fays  he  "  what  is  my  opinion 
"  with  refpeft  to  hereditary  right,  I  anfu-cr,  v.'ithout  hefitation, 
"  Thar,  in  good  theory,  an  hereditary  tranfmiffion  of  any  power 
'"  or  ofEce,  can  never  accord  with  the  lasvs  of  a  true  reprefenta- 
"  tion.  Kereditaryfhip  is,  in  this  fenfe,  as  much  an  attaint  upon 
"  principle,  as  an  outrage  upon  fociety.  But  let  us,"  continues 
he,  *•  refer  to  the  hiflory  of  ail  elcftive  monarchies  and  principa- 
"  lities :  Is  there  one  in  v^hich  the  elettive  mode  is  not  worfe 
'•  than  the  hereditary  fucceHion  V 

As  to  debating  on  which  is  the  worft  of  the  two,  it  is  admitting 
both  to  be  bad  ;  and  herein  we  are  agreed.  The  preference  which 
the  Abbe  has  given,  is  a  condemnation  of  the  thing  that  he  pre- 
fers. Such  a  mode  of  reafoning  on  fuch  a  fubje^  is  inadmiflible, 
becaiifeit  finally  amounts  to  an  accufation  upon  Providence,  as  if 
fhe  had  left  to  man  no  other  choice  with  refpetf  to  government 
than  between  two  evils,  the  beft  of  which  he  admiits  to  be  "  an 
attaint  upon  principh,  and  an  outrage  upon  fodziy." 

PafRng  over,  for  the  prefent,  all  the  evils  and  mifchlefs  which 
monarchy  has  occafioned  in  the  world,  nothing  can  more  effeftu- 
ally  prove  its  ufelefTnefs  in  a  flaie  of  civil  government^  than  mak- 
ing it  hereditary.  Would  we  make  any  office  hereditary  that  ie- 
quiied  wifdom  and  abilities  to  fill  it  ?  and  v;here  wifdom  and 
abilities  are  not  neccfl'ary,  inch  an  office,  whatever  it  may  be,  is 
fuperfluous  or  infignificant. 

Hereditary  fuccelTion  is  abuil^fque  upon  monarchy.  It  puts 
it  in  ihe^  moil  ridiculous  light,  by  prefeniing  it  as  an  office  which 
any  child  or  ideot  may  fill.  It  requires  forne  talents  to  be  a  com- 
mon mechanic  ;  bet  to  be  a  kin^,  requires  only  the  animal  figure 

of 


(     20     ) 

of  man — a  fort  of  breathing  aiitomalon.  This  fort  of  (uperftition 
inay  laft  a  few  years  more,  but  it  cannot  long  refill  the  awakened 
realbn  and  intereil  of  man; 

As  to  Mr.  Burke,  he  is  a  ftickler  for  monarchy,  not  altogether 
as  a  penfioner,  if  he  is  one,  v.'hich  I  believe,  but  as  a  political 
man.  He  has  taken  up  a  contemptible  opinion  of  rnankind,  who, 
in  their  turn,  are  taking  up  the  fame  of  him.  He  confiders  them 
as  a  herd  of  beings  that  muft  be  governed  by  fraud,  effigy  and 
Ihew  ;  and  an  idol  would  be  as  good  a  figure  of  monarchy  with 
him,  as  a  man.  I  will,  however,  do  him  the  juftice  to  fay,  that 
with  refpe£l  to  America,  he  has  been  very  complimentary.  He 
alvi^ays  contended,  at  leaft  in  my  hearing,  that  the  people  of  Ame- 
rica were  more  enlightened  than  thofe  of  England,  or  of  any 
country  in  Europe ;  and  that  therefore  the  impofition  of  fhev/  was 
not  necefiary  in  their  governments. 

Though  the  compa:ifon  between  hereditary  and  eleflive  mo- 
narchy, v.'hich  the  Abbe  has  made,  is  unneceffary  to  the  cafe,  be- 
caufe  ihe  reprefentative  fyflem  reje6^fcsboth  ;  yet  were  I  to  make 
the  comparifon,  I  fhould  decide  contrary  to  what  he  has  done. 

The  civil  wars  which  have  originated  from  contefted  hereditary 
claims,  are  more  numerous,  and  have  been  more  dreadful,  and  of 
joiiger  continuance,  than  thofe  v.'hich  have  been  occafioned  by 
election.  AH  the  civil  wars  in  France  arofe  from  the  here-, 
ditary  fyitem;  they  were  either  produced  by  hereditay  claims,  or  by 
the  impel fe6lion  of  the  hereditary  form,  which  admits  of  regen- 
cies, or  m-onarchy  at  nurfe.  With  refpecl  to  England,  its  hiftory 
IS  full  of  the  fame  misfortunes.  The  contefts  tor  fuccefTion  be- 
tween the  Houfes  of  York  and  Lancaffer,  lafted  a  whole  century  ; 
and  others  of  a  fimilar  nature,  have  renewed  themfelves  fince  that 
period.  Thofe  of  \']i^  and  1745,  were  of  the  fame  kind.  The 
fuccellion  war  for  tlie  crown  ot  Spain,  embroiled  almolf  half 
Europe.  The  difturbances  in  Holland  are  generated  from  the  he- 
liuitaryrnip  of  the  Stadtholder.  A  government  calling  itfelf  free, 
-with  an  hereditary  office,  is  like  a  thorn  in  the  flefli,  that  produces 
a  fei  mentation  which  endeavours  to  difcharge  it. 

But  I  might  go  further,  and  place  alfo  foreign  wars,  of  whatever 
kind,  to  the  fame  caulc.  It  is  by  adding  the  evil  of  hereditary  fuc- 
ccfiion  to  that  of  monarchy,  that  a  permanent  family-intereil  is 
created,  vvhofe  conlfant  objefts  are  dominion  and  revenue.  Po- 
laod,  though  an  elecfive  monarchy,  has  had  fewer  wars  than  thofe 
v.'hich  are  hereditary  ;  and  it  is  the  only  government  that  has  made 
a  voluntary  effay,  though  but  a  fmall  one,  to  reform  the  condition 
of  the  country. 

Having  thus  glanced  at  a  few  of  the  defe6fs  of  the  old,  or  he- 
reditary fyflem  of  government,  let  us  compare  it  with  the  new,  or 
reprefentaiive  fyltcm. 

The  rcprcfentative  fyflem  takes  fociety  and  civilization  for  its 
bafis ;  nature,  reafon,  and  experience,  for  its  guide. 


(    21      ) 

Experience,  in  all  ages,  and  iti  all  countries,  lias  dcmonilrated 
that  it  is  impoflibe  to  controul  Nature  in  her  dillributicn  of  ir.er.tal 
powers.  She  gives  them  as  fhe  pleafes.  Whatever  is  the  rule  by 
v/hich  file,  apparently  to  us,  fcatters  them  among  mankind,  that 
rule  remains  a  fecret  to  man.  It  would  be  as  ridiculous  to  at- 
tempt to  fix  the  bcrediiaryfiiip  of  human  beaiity,  as  of  wifdom. — 
Whatever  wifdom  conRitnentiy  is,  it  is  like  a  fet-dlefs  plant;  it  may 
be  reared  when  it  appears,  but  it  cannot  be  voluntarily  produced. 
TJiere  is  always  a  fufficiency  fomevvdicrc  in  the  genera!  mafs  of  [o- 
ciety  for  all  purpofes;  but  v;ith  refpe6f  to  the  parts  ot  locicty,  it 
is  continually  changing  its  piace.  It  rifes  in  one  to- day,  in  another 
to-morrcw,  and  has  moft  probably  vifited  in  rotation  every  family 
of  the  earth,  and  again  withdrawn. 

As  this  is  the  order  of  nature,  the  order  of  government  muH 
neceflarily  follow  it,  or  qovcrnrr.ent  will,  as  we  ice  it  docs,  dege- 
nerate into  ignorance.  The  hereditary  fydem,  therefore,  is  as  re- 
pugnant to  human  wifdora,  as  to  human  rights;  and  is  as  abfurd, 
iis  it  is  unjuf}. 

As  the  republic  oi  letters  brings  forward  the  befl  literary  pro- 
ductions, by  giving  to  genius  a  fair  and  univerfal  chance ;  (o  the 
reprefentative  fyftem  of  government  is  calculated  to  produce  the 
wifefl  lav.'s.  by  coilcfiing  wifdom  horn  where  it  can  be  found.  I 
fmile  to  myfelf  when  I  contemplate  the  ridiculous  infigniticance 
into  which  literature  and  all  the  fciences  would  fink,  were  they 
made  hereditary ;  and  I  carry  the  fame  idea  into  governmcnis. — 
A^n  hereditary  governor  is  as  inconfiftent  as  an  hereditary  author. 
I  know  not  v^hether  Homer  or  FAiclid  had  Tons;  but  I  will  ven- 
ture an  opinion,  that  if  they  had,  and  had  left  their  works  unfinlfli- 
cd,  tliofe  fons  could  not  have  completed  thern. 

Do  we  need  a  flronger  evidence  of  the  abfurdity  of  hereditary 
/government,  than  is  feen  in  the  defcendents  of  thofe  men,  in  auy 
line  of  life,  who  once  were  farhous  ?  Is  there  fcarccly  an  initance 
in  which  there  is  not  a  total- reveif*?  of  the  charafter?  It  appcuis 
as  if  the  tide  of  mental  faculties  flowed  as  far  as  it  could  in  certain 
charicels,  and  then  forfook  its  courfe,  and  aiofe  in  others.  How  ir- 
rational then  is  the  hereditary  fyltem  which  eOab'ilhes  chaimelsof 
power,  in  company  with  which  wifdoin  refufes  to  flow  !  By  con- 
tinuing this  abfurdity,  man  is  perpetually  in  contradiction  with  biis- 
felf;  he  accepts,  for  a  king,  or  a  chiei  magiitratc,  or  a  iegiOator, 
aperfon  whom  he  would  not  elect  for  a  conf^ablc. 

It  appears  to  general  obfcrvation,  that  revolutions  create  geniui 
and  talents ;  but  thofe  events  do  no  more  than  bring  them  ioin'ard. 
There  i?  exiHing  in  man,  a  mars  of  fenfe  lying  in  a  dormant  iUic, 
and  which,  uniefs  fomething  excites  it  to  action,  will  dcicend  wi:k 
him,  in  that  condition,  to  the  grave.  As  it  is  to  the  advantage  of 
ifociery  that  the  whole  of  its  faculties  fliould  be  einployed,  the  con- 
itru61ion  of  government  ought  to  be  fuch  as  to  bring  forward,  by 

a  quiet 


(      S8     ) 

a  quiet  and  regular  operailon,  all  that   extent  of  capacity  vvhick 
uever  tails  to  appear  in  revolutions. 

This  cannot  take  place  in  the  infipid  ftate  of  hereditary  govern- 
ment, not  only  becaufe  it  prevents  But  becaufe  it  operates  to  be- 
numb.  When  the  mind  of  a  nation  is  bowed  down  by  any  poli- 
tical fuperftition  in  its  government,  fuch  as  hereditary  fucceflion  is, 
ii  lofes  a  confiderable  portion  of  its  powers  on  all  other  fubjcfts 
and  objects.  Hereditary  fucceflion  requires  the  fume  obedience 
10  ignorance,  as  to  wifdom  ;  and  when  once  the  mind  can  bring 
itfeli  to  pay  this  indifcriminatc  reverence,  it  defcends  below  the 
itature  of  mental  manhood.  It  is  fit  to  be  great  only  in  Utile 
things.  It  afts  a  treachery  upon  itfelf,  and  fuffocates  the  fenfa- 
tions  that  urge  to  detetfion. 

Though  the  ancient  governments  prefent  to  us  a  miferable  pic- 
ture ot  the  condition  of  man,  there  is  one  which  above  all  others 
exempts  itfelf  from  the  general  defcription.  I  mean  the  democra- 
cy of  the  Athenians.  We  fee  more  to  admire,  and  lefs  to  con- 
demn, in  that  great,  extraordinary  people,  than  in  any  thing 
which  hiliory  affords. 

Mr.  Burke  is  fo  little  acquainted  with  conftituent  principles  of 
government,  that  he  confounds  democracy  and  reprefentation  to- 
gether, Reprefentation  was  a  thing  unknown  in  the  ancient  de- 
mocracies. In  thofe  the  mafs  of  the  people  met  and  enafted 
laws  (grammatically  fpeaking)  in  the  firft  perfon.  Simple  demo- 
cracy was  no  other  than  the  common-hali  of  the  ancients.  It  fig- 
niiies  they^^r?;;,  as  well  as  the  public  principle  of  the  government. 
As  tbefe  democracies  rncreafed  in  population,  and  the  territory 
{extended,  the  fimple  democrat ical  form  became  unwieldy  and  im- 
uraciicable  ;  and  as  the  fyllem  of  reprefentation  was  not  known, 
;he  confcquence  was,  they  either  degenerated  convulfively  into 
iiionarchies,  or  became  abforbed  in  fuch  as  then  exifted.  Had 
:he  fyflem  of  reprefentation  been  then  undcrllood,  as  it  now  is, 
iherc  is  no  realon  to  believe  that  thofe  forms  of  government,  now 
called  monarchiai  or  ariflocratical,  would  ever  have  taken  place. 
It  was  the  want  of  lome  method  to  confolidate  the  parts  of  fociety, 
^fter  it  became  too  populous,  and  too  extenfive  for  the  fimple 
oemocratical  form,  and  alfo  the  lax  and  folitary  condition  of  Ihcp- 
herds  and  herdfmen  in  otliar  parts  of  the  world,  that  affoided  op- 
portunities to  thofe  unnatural  modes  of  government  to  begin. 

As  it  is  neceffary  to  clear  away  the  rubbifh  of  errors,  into 
which  the  fubjcft  of  government  has  been  thrown,  I  fhall  proceed 
to  remark  on  fome  others. 

It  has  always  been  the  political  craft.of  courtiers  and  court  go- 
vernments to  abule  fomeihing  v;hich  they  called  rcpublicanilm  ; 
bjt  what  rcpublicanifm  was  or  is,  they  never  attempt  to  explain. 
Let  us  examine  a  little  into  this  cafe. 

The  only  forms  of  government  are,  tlic  democratical,  the  arif- 

tccratical, 


(    23    ) 

tpcratical,  the  monarchial,  and  what  is  now  called  the  rcprcTenia- 
tive. 

What  is  called  a  republic,  is  not  zny  particular  J  or  m  of  govern- 
ment. It  is  wholly  charafteriftical  of  the  purport,  matter,  or  ob- 
jeft  for  which  government'  ought  to  be  indituied,  and  on  which 
it  is  to  be  employed,  res-PUBLICA,  the  public  affairs,  or  the 
public  good;  or,  literally  tranflated,  the  public  thing.  It  is  a  word 
of  a  good  original,  referring  to  what  ought  to  be  the  charafter  and 
bufinefs  of  government ;  and  in  this  fenfe  it  is  naturally  oppofeci 
to  the  word  monarchy,  which  has  a  bafe  original  fignification.  It 
means  arbitrary  power  in  an  individual  perfon  ;  in  thcexercife  ot 
which,  himfelfy  and  not  the  ref-puhiica,  is  the  object. 

Every  government  that  dees  not  aft  on  the  principle  of  a  Re- 
public, or  in  other  words,  that  does  not  make  the  ref-puhlica  its 
whole  and  fole  objeft,  is  not  a  good  governments  Republican 
government  is  no  other  than  government  eftablilhcd  and  condutl- 
ed  for  the  intereft  of  the  public,  as  well  individually  as  colleBive- 
ly.  It  is  not  neceffarily  connected  with  any  particular  form,  but 
it  moll  naturally  affociates  with  the  reprefcntaiive  form,  as  being 
beft  calculated  to  fecure  the  end  for  which  a  nation  is  at  th'j  ex- 
pence  of  fupporting  it. 

Various  forms  ot  government  have  aiTefted  to  ftyle  themftlvcs 
republics.  Poland  calls  itfelf  a  republic,  which  is  an  hereditary 
ariftocracy,  with  what  is  called  an  elccVive  monarchy.  Holland 
calls  itfelf  a  republic,  which  is  chiefly  ariftocratical,  with  an  heri- 
ditary  ftadtholderfliip.  But  the  government  of  America,  which 
is  wholly  on  the  fyftem  of  reprefentation,  is  the  only  real  repr.Wic 
in  characlcr  and  inpraftice,  that  now  exills.  Its  government  has 
no  other  obje61  than  the  public  bufinefs  of  the  nation,  and  there- 
fore it  is  properly  a  republic ;  and  the  Americans  have  taken 
care  that  this,  and  no  other,  (liall  always  be  the  objeft  of  ihv'lr 
government,  by  their  rejecting  every  thing  hereditary,  and  cllab- 
lifning  government  on  the  fyftem  of  reprefentation  on'y. 

Thofe  who  have  faid  that  a  republic  is  ,not  -a  form  of  govern- 
ment calculated  for  countries  cf  great  extent,  miilook  in  the  firit 
place,  the  bufinefs  of  a  ^rovcrnment,  for  a  form  cf  government ; 
tor  the  r^i-/?zf^/2(:^  equally  appertains  to  every  extent  of  territory 
and  population.  \nd,  in  the  fecond  place,  if  they  meant  any 
thing  with  refpeft  to  form,  it  v/as  the  fimple  democratical  form, 
fuch  as  was  the  mode  of  government  in  the  ancient  d«^mocracies:, 
in  which  there  was  no  reprefentation.  The  cafe,  therefore,  is  rot, 
that  a  republic  cannot  be  exten five,  but  that  it  cannot  be  extenhvc 
on  the  fimple  democratical  form  ;  and  the  quePJon  naturalh'  pre- 
fents  it  fell.  What  is  thd  befi  form  of  government  for  conduBing  (hs 
REs-ruELiCA,  or  thsruBLic  BUSINESS  cf  a  nation^  after  it 
becomes  too  cxtenfivc  and  populous  for  tai  fnpit  dcr,iQcra!icalfcrm  f 
It  cannot  be  monarchy,'  becaufc  monarchy  is  fubjeO  vo  an  ob- 

jeftica 


jecr^ion  oi  ilic  iainc  aniount  to  which  the  {ImpiC  dcrnocratical  form 
was  fubjeft. 

It  is  poluble  that  aa  iiidividua'  may  lay  down  a  iyftem  oF  princi- 
ples, on  whicii  government  fhail  be  conltituiionally  eftablifhed 
to  any  extent  oi  territory.  This  is  no  more  ihan  an  operation  of 
the  mind,  acting  by  its  own  powers.  But  theprai^ice  upon  thoie 
principles,  as  applying  to  the  various  and  numerous  circumftan- 
ces  of  a  nation,  its  agricuhure,  manufacture,  trade,  comnieicc, 
&c.  &c.  requires  a  knowledge  of  a  different  kind,  and  which  can 
be  had  only  from  the  varioux  parts  of  fociety.  It  is  an  affemblage 
of  prsctical  knowledge,  which  no  one  individual  can  poffels;  and 
therefore  the  monarchial  form  is  as  much  limited,  in  ufeiul  prac- 
tice, from  the  incompetency  of  knowledge,  as  was  the  democrati- 
cal  form,  from  themukiplicity  of  population.  The  one  degene- 
rates, by  extenfion,  into  contufion  ;  the  other,  into  ignorance  and 
incapacity,  of  which  all  the  great  monarchies  are  an  evidence. 
The  monarchial  form,  therefore,  could  not  be  a  fubllitutefor  the 
democratica!,  becaufe  it  has  equal  inconveniencies. 

Much  lefs  could  it  when  made  herediiary.  This  is  the  moft  ef- 
fectual of  all  forms  to  preclude  knowledge.  Neither  could  the  high 
democratical  mind  have  voluntarily  yielded  itfelf  to  be  governed  by 
children  and  idiots,  and  all  the  motley  infignificance  of  character, 
which  attends  fach  a  mere  animal-fyflem,  the  difgrace  and  the  re- 
proach of  reafon  and  oF  man. 

As  to  the  ariftocratical  form,  it  has  the  fame  vices  and  defefts 
v.'lth  the  monarchical,  except  that  the  chance  of  abilites  is  better 
from  the  proportion  oF  numbers,  but  there  is  Itill  no  lecurity  for 
the  right  ufe  and  application  of  them.* 

Referring,  then,  to  the  original  fimple  democracy,  it  affords  the 
true  data  from  which  government  on  a  large  fcale  can  begin.  It 
is  incapable ot  extenfion,  not  from  its  principle,  but  from  the  in- 
convenience of  its  form  ;  and  monarchy  and  ariilocracy,  from 
their  incapacity.  Regaining,  then,  democracy  as  the  ground,  and 
reje6fing  the  corrupt  fyilerrjs  of  monarchy  :;nd  ariftocracy  the 
rcprefentative  fyftem  naturally  prtfents  itfelf;  remedying  at  once 
the  defecls  of  the  fimple  democracy  as  to  form,  and  the  mcaoaci- 
ty  of  the  other  two  v.'ith  rcfpe£t  to  knowledge. 

Sim.ple  democracy  was  fociety  governing  iifeu  without  the  aid 
©F  fecondary  means'.  By  ingr'afiing  reprefentaiion  upon  demo- 
craov,  we  arrive  at  a  fyllem  ot  government  capable  of  embracing 
and  confederating  all  the  various  interefts  and  every  extent  ot 
territory  and  population  ;  and  that  aifo  with  advantages  as  m^uch 
fuperior  to  hereditary  government,  as  the  republic  of  letters  is  to 
hereditary  literature. 

Il  is  on  this  lyftciri  thai  the  American  government  is  founded.— 

*  For  a  cnaratter  cf  ariitocrscr,  i-c  rcs=!er  i»  referred  to  Rights 
of  Mui),  Part  I.  paije  41,  Ciriiilr  cd:::oz. 


(      25      ) 

It  is  reprefentation  ingnifted  upon  democracy.  It  has  fixed  tlie 
form  by  a  fcale  parallel  in  all  cafes  to  the  extent  of  the  principle. 
What  Athens  was  in  miniature,  America  will  be  in  magnitqde. — 
The  one  was  the  wonder  of  the  ancient  world ;  the  other  is  be- 
coming the  admiration  and  model  of  the  prefent.  It  is  the  eafieft 
of  all  the  forms  of  government  to  be  up,derIlood,  and  the  moft: 
eligible  in  pratlice;  and  excludes  at  once  the  Ignorance  and  infe- 
CLirity  of  the  hereditary  mode,  and  the  inconvenience  of  the  fim- 
pie  democracv. 

It  is  impoflible  to  conceive  a  fyftem  of  government  capable  of 
aS^ing  over  fach  an  extent  of  territory,  and  luch  a  circle  oi  in- 
terefls,  as  is  immediately  produced  by  the  operation  of  reprefen-v 
tation.  France,  great  and  populous  as  it  is,  is  but  a  fpot  in  the 
capacioufnefs  of  the  fyflem.  It  adapts  itfclt  to  all  poflible  cafes. 
It  is  preferable  to  fimple  democracy  even  in  fmall  territories. 
Athens,  by  reprefentation,  would  have  ou:rivalied  her  own  de- 
mocracy. 

That  which  is  called  government,  or  rather  that  which  we  ought 
to  conceive  government  to  be,  is  no  more  than  fotne  common  cen- 
tre, in  which  all  the  parts  of  fociety  unite.  This  cannot  be  ac- 
complilhed  by  any  method  fo  conducive  to  the  various  interelts 
of  the  community,  as  by  the  repreientative  fy  ilem.  It  concen- 
trates the  knowledge  neceiTary  to  the  intered  of  tlie  parts,  and  cf 
the  whole.  It  places  government  in  a  flate  of  conftant  maturity - 
It  is,  as  has  been  already  obferved,  never  youn,^,  never  old.  h. 
is  fubje8:  neither  to  nonage,  nor  dotage.  It  is  never  in  the  cradle, 
nor  on  crutches.  It  admits  not  of  a  feparation  between  knowledge 
and  power,  and  is  fuperior,  as  government  always  ought  to  be,  to 
all  the  accidents  of  individual  man,  and  is  therefore  fuperior  to 
what  is  called  monarchy. 

A  nation  is  not  a  body,  the  figure  of  which  is  to  be  reprefcntei 
by  the  human  body;  but  is  like  a  body  contained  within  a  circle, 
having  a  common  centre,  in  which  every  radius  meets;  and  thai 
centre  is  foimed  by  reprefentation.  To  connect  reprelentation 
with  what  is  called  monarchy,  is  eccentric  government.  Repre- 
fentation is  of  iifelf  the  delegated  monarchy  of  a  nation,  and  can- 
not debafe  itfelf  by  dividing  it  with  another. 

Mr.  Burke  has  two  or  three  times,  in  his  parliamentary  fpecches, 
and  in  his  publications,  made  ufe  of  a  jingle  of  words  that  convcv 
no  ideas.  Speaking  of  government,  he  lays,  *'  It  is  better  to  liave 
*'  monarchy  for  its  bafis,  and  republicanifm  for  its  corre6live,  than 
"  republicaniim  for  iis  bafis,  and  monarchy  for  its  corretSlive." — 
If  he  means  that  it  is  better  to  correct  folly  with  wifdom,  than 
v;ifdom  with  folly,  I  will  no  otherwife  contend  v;ith  him,  than 
that  it  would  be  much  better  to  reject  the  folly  entirely. 

But  what  is  this  ihing  which  Mr.  Burke  calls  monarchy  ?  Will 
he  explain  it  ?  All  men  can  underiland  what  reprefentation  is;  and 

D  that 


(    ^6    ; 

i[;at  ii  i:ijR  neccucni)  in.IuJe  a  variety  o^  knowledge  and  talents. 
Bur,  what  feeuriiy  is  theie  lor  ih^  fame  qualities  on  the  part  o\ 
inonarchv  ?  or,  when  this  mjnarchy  is  a  child,  where  then  is  the 
wifdoni  ?  Whcit  dj^s  \i  knov;  about  government  ?  Who  then  is  the 
II)  "Jiidrch,  or  where  is  the  nionaichy  ?  If  it  is  to  be  performed  by  a 
ifcency,  i  proves  ii  to  h?.  a  lajce.  A  legency  is  a  mock  fpccics 
oi"  republic,  and  ilic  whole  of  monarchy  d-Iei ve  no  better  defcrip. 
lion.  It  is  a  tiling  as  various  as  imagination  can  paint.  It  has 
none  of  the  ftable  characler  that  government  ought  to  pollefs. — 
Every  fucceTion  is  a  revolution,  and  cvciy  regency  a  counter-re- 
\  olu:ion.  T\\z  v;hoIc  ol  it  is  a  fcenc  of  ])erpetual  couit  cabal  and 
intrigue,  of  uhich  Mr.  Burke  is  hinifelf  an  inifance.  To  render 
iaona;chy  confin-cnt  \.i:h  government,  the  next  in  facccflion  fhould 
not  be  born  a  cliild,  but  a  man  at  once,  and  that  man  a  Solomon, 
h  is  ridiculous  that  i:a:ijns  are  to  wait,  and  government  be  inicr- 
luptcd,  til!  bo)S  g!0\v  to  be  iiien. 

Whether  1  liave  tjo  iitilc  I'cnfe  to  fee,  cr  too  much  to  be  im- 
l)o[cd  upon;  whether  1  have  too  much  or  too  kt'Je  piide,  cr  of 
*.ny  thing  elfe,  I  leave  cut  of  the  queflion  ;  but  certain  it  is,  that 
what  ii  calledinjnarchy,  alvvays  appears  to  nie  a  filly,  contemptible 
thing.  1  compare  li  lo  foajethiu^;  kept  behind  a  curtain,  about 
v.hich  there  ksa  gteat  deal  of  bu(l!e  and  lufs,  and  a  v/onderiul  air 
of  fcen.ing  iolemnit)  ;  but  when,  by  any  accident,  the  curtain 
happens  to  be  open,  and  the  company  fee  uhat  iL  is,  they  burft  in* 
to  laughter. 

Ill  the  reprcfcntative  fyflem  of  government,  notlilng  of  this  can 
happen.  Like  the  naiioir  itleU  it  j)cfrefres  ])crpetual  flamlna,  as 
well  of  body  as  of  miad,  and  pieieiits  iJelf  onthc  open  theatre  of 
the  world  in  a  fair  and  inan'y  manner.  Whatever  are  i:s  excel- 
lencies or  its  defe6Ls,  they  are  vifible  to  all.  It  cxifls  not  by  fraud 
undmyllery;  it  deals  not  in  cant  and  lophiliry ;  but  infpires  a 
lane;uage,  that,  pafTmg  from  heart  to  heart,  is  felt  and  iindei flood. 

V/e  mull  (hut  our  eyes  againil  leafon ;  \:c  mufl  balely  degrade 
our  under  Handing,  not  to  lee  the  lolly  of  what  is  called  monarchy. 
ICaiuie  is  orderly  in  all  her  works;  but  this  is  a  mode  of  goverrr- 
ment  that  co^mteracls  nature.  It  turris  the  progrels  of  the  human 
faculties  upfide  doun.  It  iubjeds  age  to  be  governed  by  children, 
and  wifdom  by  folly. 

On  the  contrary,  the  reprcfentative  fvHenr  is  always  parard 
wiih  the  order  and  immutable  laws  of  naiujc,  and  meets  the  rcafon 
of  iTi4n  in  every  part.     For  example  : 

In  the  Ameiican  federal  govtrnir.ent,  more  j)ower  is  delegated 
to  the  Prelident  of  the  Uniied  States,  than  to  any  individual  iiiem- 
ber  of  Congrcfs.  lie  cannot,  thcicloie,  be  elctied  to  tliis  cilice 
under  the  age  of  thrrt}  -live  vears.  By  this  time  the  judgmeiri  ot 
man  becomes  malm  td,  and  he  has  lived  long  enough  to  be  ac- 
quainted v.'iih  men  uwJ  things,  and  the  cguntry  with  him, — But  on 

the 


I  27  ) 

(he  irjon.iichical  plap,  CcxcIuHvc  of  ihc  numerous  chances  ihers 
are  againil  every  man  born  into  the  woill,  of  dvzwlng  a  prize  in 
ihc  lottery  of  burran  fscuUics)  the  next  in  fucccfficn,  -vvhatevcrhc 
vmy  bv^  is  pit  at  the  hca  I  of  a  nation,  and  of  a  g(  vcrnmcnt,  at  the 
age  oi  eighteen  yrar.c.  Docs  ibis  appear  iike  an  ^f\  of  wifdom  ?  h 
it  confiflent  with  the  proper  di£;nify  and  (he  n^an'y  chancer  cf  ^ 
nation  ?  Where  is  the  propriciy  cA  fallir<T  fuch  a  hd  the  Father  of 
the  people  ?  In  all  other  eafcs,  a  nerfon  is  a  n-.incr  until  the  age  of 
twenry-one  years.  Before  ihis  peiiod,  he  is  not  tnifled  with  the 
mancigement  of  an  acre  of  land,  or  widi  the  heritable  property  of 
a  flock  of  fhccn,  or  an  herd  of  fwine;  bu%  ivonderful  to  tell!  he 
may,  at  the  age  of  eighteen  years,  be  iruRe(l  with  i  naticn. 

That  monarchy  is  ail  a  bubble,  a  mere  court  art  fie e  to  procure 
money,  is  evident,  (at  lead  to  me)  in  every  chara8er  in  which  it 
can  be  viewed.  It  would  be  impofTible,  on  the  rational  fyftem  of 
rcprefentaiive  government,  to  make  out  a  bi'l  of  expcnccs  to  fuch 
an  enormous  amount  as  this  deception  admits.  Government  is  not 
of  iifelf  a  very  chargeable  inllitution.  The  who'e  expence  of  th-- 
federal  government  of  America  founded,  as  I  have  already  faid, 
on  the  lulem  of  reprefentation,  and  extending  over  3  country 
nearly  ten  times  as  large  as  England,  is  but  fix  hundred  thoufand 
dollars,  or  one  hundred  and  thir.'y.five  thoufand  pounds  fleiling. 

I  prefum.-,  that  no  man  in  his  fober  fenfcs,  will  compare'th- 
charaflcr  of  any  of  the  kings  of  Europe  wiiS  that  cd  General 
Wafhingion.  Yet,  in  France,  an^:  alfo  in  Enland,  the  expence  of 
the  civil  lid  only,  for  the  fuppoi  t  of  one  man,  is  eight  times  greater 
than  the  who'e  expence  of  the  federal  govcrnmeiu  in  Ai-nerica,— 
T)  affign  a  reafon  for  this,  apn^ais  almod  impoiTible.  The  gene- 
rality of  people  in  America,  efpecially  the  poor,  are  more  ab'e  to 
pay  taxes  than  the  gener?dity  of  people  eit'her  in  France  or  Eng- 
land. 

But  the  cafe  is,  that  the  reprefcm^a  ive  f)  tlcm  diiTufes  ^uch  a  body 
of  knowledge  throughout  a  na'ion,  on  the  fubjefi  of  governmenr, 
as  to  explode  ignorance  and  preclude  impofition.  The  cralt  of 
courts  cannot  be  afted  on  that  ground.  There  is  no  place  for  my- 
ihery  ;  no  where  for  it  to  begin.  Thofe  who  are  not  in  the  repre- 
fentatlon,  know  ?s  much  of  the  nature  of  bufmefs  as  thofe  '.vho 
are.  An  aflfeclation  of  myiterious  importance  would  there  h* 
fcoii'ed.  Nations  can  have  no  fecieJs ;  and  the  fecrcts  oi  cotuts 
like  thofe  of  individu;.!?,  are  a'wa)  s  their  defeas. 

In  ihe  repre(enta»ive  f)  idem,  the  reafon  for  every  thing  muft  ptih- 
iicly  appear.  Every  man  is  a  proprietor  in  gcvernmenf,  and  con- 
fiders  It  a  necelfary  part  c  f  his  bufmtfs  to  underftand.  li  concerrs 
his  intereO,  becanfe  it  affetls  his  property.  He  examines  the  coO, 
and  compares  it  with  the  advantages;  and  above  a  I,  he  does  not  a- 
dopt  the  '2zviCa  cuftom  of  following  what  in  oihcr  governments 
are  called  lead  er<5. 

It 


(    28    ) 

It  can  only  be  by  blinding  the  undcrllanding  of  man,  and 
making  him  believe  that  government  is  feme  wonderful  myfterious 
thing,  that  exceffive  revenues  aie  obtained.  Monarchy  is  well  cal- 
culated to  enlure  this  end.  It  is  the  popery  of  government;  a 
thing  kept  up  to  amufe  the  ignorant,  and  quiet  them  into  taxes. 

The  government  of  a  iree  country,  properly  Ipeaking,  is  not 
in  the  perfons,  but  in  the  laws.  The  enacting  ot  thofe  requires 
no  great  expence  ;  and  when  they  are  adminiftered,  the  whole  of 
civil  government  is  performed — the  reil  is  all  court  contrivance. 

■^  H*  4' 4' H*  ^^  •»•  ♦?•  4*  4' '  ■*■ '  *r  4- •!• 'i' 4- '^ -i"  4- 4*  ♦ 

C  H  A  P.     IV. 

0/  CONSTITUTIONS. 

'^PHAT  men  mean  diftinft  and  feparate  things  when  they  fpeak. 
JL  of  conltitutions  and  of  governments,  is  evident;  or,  why  are 
thofc  terms  diflin£lly  and  feparately  ufed  ?  A  conliitution  is  net 
iheaft  of  a  governmenr,  but  of  a  people  conftituting  a  govern- 
ment; and  government  without  a  conflitution,  is  potver  without  a 
right.  AH  power  cxercifed  over  a  nation,  muft  have  fome  begin- 
ning. It  muft  be  either  delegated,  or  affumed.  There  are  no  o- 
thcr  fources.  All  delegated  power  is  truft,  and  all  afTumed  power 
is  ufurpation.  Time  does  not  alter  ;he  nature  and  quality  of  either. 

In  viewing  this  fubje^t,  the  cafe  and  circumffances  of  America 
prefent  themfelves  ss  in  the  beginning  of  a  world  ;  and  our  en- 
quiry into  the  origin  of  government  is  (hortened,  by  referring  to 
the  fa£ts  that  have  arifen  in  our  own  day.  We  have  no  occafioii 
to  roam  for  information  into  the  obfcure  field  of  antiquity,  nor 
hazard  ourfelves  upon  conjefture.  We  are  brought  at  once  to 
the  point  of  feeing  government  begin,  as  if  we  had  lived  in  the 
beginning  of  time.  The  real  vohime,  not  of  hiftory,  but  of 
fafts,  is  dirc6lly  before  us,  unmutilated  by  contrivance,  or  the 
errors  of  tradition. 

X  will  here  concifely  ftate  the  commencement  of  the  Am.erican 
conftitutions;  by  which  the  difference  between  conliitutions  and 
governments  will  fufficiently  appear. 

It  may  rot  be  improper  to  remind  tlie  reader,  that  the  United 
States  of  America  confift  of  thirteen  feparate  ftatcs,  each  of  which 
eftablifhed  a  government  for  itfelf,  after  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, done  the  fjurth  of  July  1776.  Each  ftate  afted  inde- 
pendently of  the  reft,  in  forming  its  government;  but  the  fam.e 
general  principle  pei  vades  the  whole.  W^hen  the  feveral  ftate 
governments  were  formed,  they  proceeded  to  form  the  federal  go- 
vernment, that  2lB.s  over  the  wiiole  in  all  liiarters  which  concern 
the  intcreft  of  the  whole,  or  which  relate  to  the  intercourfe  of  the 
leveral  ftateswith  each  other,  or  with  foreign  nations.  I  will  be- 
gm  with  giving  an  inftance  from  one  of  the  ftate  governments, 
|ihit  of  Pennfylvanio)  and  thcnproceed  to  the  federal  government. 

The 


(    ^9    ) 

The  flate  oi  Pennfylvania,  though  nearly  of  ihc  fame  extent  of 
territory  as  England,  was  then  divided  into  only  twelve  counties. 
Each  of  thofe  counties  had  eleBcd  a  committee  at  the  commence- 
mcnf.  ci  thedifpute  with  the  Englifn  government ;  and  as  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  which  alfo  hndits  committee,  v/as  the  moPc 
central  for  intelligence,  it  became  the  centre  of  communication 
to  the  fcvcral  county  committees.  When  it  became  necefFary  to 
Drocced  to  the  formation  of  a  government:,  the  committee  of  Phi- 
ladelphia propofed  a  conlerence  of  ail  the  county  committees,  to 
be  held  in  that  city,  and  which  met  the  latter  end  of  July,  1776. 

Though  thefe  committees  had  been  eleftedby  the  people,  they 
were  not  elefted  exprefsly  lor  the  purpofe,  nor  invefted  with  the 
authority  of  forming  a  conftitution  ;  and  as  they  couid  not,  con- 
fiftently  with  the  American  idea  of  rights,  afTume  fuch  a  power, 
they  could  only  confer  upon  the  matter,  and  put  it  into  a  train  of 
operation.  The  conferrees,  therefore,  did  no  more  ihan  date  the 
cafe,  and  recommend  to  the  feveral  counties  to  eieft  fix  reprclen- 
tatives  for  each  county,  to  meet  in  convention  at  Philadelphia, 
v/ith  powers  to  form  a  conftitution,  and  propofeit  for  public  con- 
(ideration. 

This  convention,  of  which  Benjamin  Franklin  was  prefident, 
having  met  and  deliberated,  and  agreed  upon  a  conftitution,  they 
next  ordered  it  to  be  publiCied,  not  as  a  thing  eftablifhed,  but  for 
the  confideration  ol  the  whole  people,  their  approbation  or  rejec- 
tion, and  then  adjourned  to  a  llated  time.  When  the  tim^of  ad- 
journment was  expired,  the  convention  re-alTembled;  and  as  the 
general  opinion  of  the  people  in  approbation  of  it  was  then  known, 
the  conditution  was  figned,  feaied,  and  proclaimed  on  the  authori- 
ty of  thi  people  and  the  original  inllrument  depofued  as  a  public  re- 
cord. The  convention  then  appointed  a  day  for  tlie  general  elec- 
tion of  the  reprefeatatives  who  v/ere  to  compofe  the  povernmenr, 
and  ihe  time  it  fhould  commence-;  and  having  done  thi^,  they 
difTolved,  and  returned  to  their  feveral  homes  and  occupations. 

In  this  conuitution  were  Itiid  down,  firfl,  a  declaration  of 
rights.  Then  foilov/ed  the  form  which  the  government  ihould 
liave,  and  the  powers  it  fhould  poiTefi — the  authority  of  the  coiins 
of  judicature,  and  of  juries — the  manner  in  which  elecfions  fliouid 
be  condii^led,  and  the  proportion  of  reprefentatives  to  the  num- 
ber of  eleftcrs — the  time  which  each  fucceeding  aiiembly  ffiouid 
continue,  which  was  one  year^ — the  mode  of  levying,  and  of  ac- 
counting for  the  expenditure,  of  public  money— -cf  appointing 
public  officers,  &c.  &c.  &c. 

No  ariicleof  this  conftitution  could  be  altered  gr  infringed  at 
the  difcretion  of  the  j^overement  that  was  to  cnfue.  Ii  was  ?o  tii.it 
government  a  la;v.  But  as  it  would  have  been  unv/ife  to  preclude 
the  benefit  of  experience,  and  in  order  alfo  to  prevent  the  accu- 
mulation of  errors,  ifanyfliouid  be  found,    and  to  prefcrve    an 

unifon 


(    30    ) 

uiHioti .  f  government  with  the  circumftances  of  the  Hate  at  all 
tinier  the  conllitLitio:!  provIJeJ,  thar,  at  th;2  expiration  of  every 
kven  vears,  a  convention  ihouM  hce^efteil,  tor  the  exprela  pur- 
pole  ot  reviling  the  conftitution,  anl  mikin:r  alterations,  additions, 
or  abolitions  therein,  it  any  fuch  flioiiklbe  found  necedary. 

Here  we  fee  a  regular  procefs — a  government  illjing  out  of  a 
conilitution,  formed  by  the  people  in  their  original  character ; 
and  that  conflitntion  ftrving,  not  only  as  a  i  authority,  but  as  a 
law  of  confroul  to  the  government.  It  was  the  political  bible  of 
the  flite.  Scarcely  a  family  was  witliout  it.  Every  member  of 
the  government  Iiad  a  copy  ;  and  nothing  was  more  common, 
when  any  debate  arofe  on  the  piinciple  of  a  bill,  or  on  the  extent 
of  any  fpecies  of  authority,  than  for  the  members  to  take  the 
ptinted  conllituiion  out  of  their  pocket,  an*!  read  the  chapter  with 
which  fuch  matter  in  debate  was  conne^led. 

Having  thus  given  an  inilance  from  one  of  the  Stater,  I  will 
fliew  the  proceedings  by  which  the  federal  conftitutlon  of  the 
United  States  arofe  and  was  formed. 

Ccngrefs,  at  its  two  firft  meeting?,  in  September  17/4,  and  May 
ly^K,  was  nothing  more  than  a  deputaiion  from  the  legillatures  of 
the  (everal  provinces,  afterwards  ftales,  and  had  no  other  authority 
thai  what  arofe  from  common  confent,  anil  the  necelTity  of  its 
ailing  as  a  public  body.  In  every  thing  whicii  related  to  the  in- 
ternal affairs  of  America,  Congrefs  went  no  further  than  to  iffuo 
recommendations  to  the  (everal  provincial  alfemblie.%  who  at  dif- 
cretlon  adopted  them  or  nor.  Nothing  on  the  part  of  Congref; 
W3s  compulfive:  yet,  in  this  fituation,  it  was  more  faithfully  and 
atFeclionately  obeyed,  than  was  any  government  in  Europe.  This 
inflancr,  like  that  o£  the  National  Affembly  in  France,  lufiiciently 
'fiiew?,  that  the  ilrengtii  of  government  does  not  conhll  in  any 
thing  Zi-ilhin  itfelf,  but  in  the  attachment  of  a  ratioi>,  and  the  in- 
terell  which  the  people  feel  in  fuppcrting  it.  When  this  is  loff, 
government  is  but  a  child  in  power;  and  though  like  the  old  go- 
vernment of  France,  it  may  harrafs individuals  toi  a  while,  it  but 
facilitates  it  own  fall. 

After  the  declaration  of  independence,  it  became  confident  widi 
the  principle  on  which  reprefentative  government  is  Icunded,  th^t 
the  auihoiiiy  of  Ccrgiefs  ihouldbe  defined  and  cftahhfhed.  Whe- 
ther that  authority  fhould  be  more  or  lefs  than  Congrefs  then  dif- 
cretionarily  exercifed,  was  not  the  queflion.  It  was  merely  the 
reflitudc  of  the  meafure. 

For  this  purpofe,  the  a6>,  called  the  acl  of  confederation,  (which 
Wis  a  fort  of  iirtperfe^l:  federal  coniii  ution)  was  propofei),  and, 
after  a  long  deliberation,  was  concluded  in  the  year  1781.  It  WcS 
net  the  aft  of  Congrefs,  becaufe  it  is  repugnant  to  the  principles 
of  reprefentative  government  that  a  body  lliould  give  power  to  it- 
felf.    Congrefs  fiill  informed   the  feveral  Slate?,  cf  the  powers 

which 


(  31    J 

\vbich  it  conceived  v;cic  iieccirary  to  be  invclled  in  llie  umun,  to 
enable  it  to  perlorm  llie  duties  and  fcrvices  lequired  liom  i: ;  and 
the  Stales  icverally  I'.^^reed  v.iih  each  other,  and  concentrated  in 
Coijgiels  thofepowcis. 

It  mav  not  be  improper  to  obferve,  that  in  both  thele  inftaiiccs, 
(the  one  ol  Pennr)lvania,  and  the  other  ot  the  United  State^) 
there  is  no  fnch  thing  as  the  idea  of  a  compafcl  between  the  people 
on  one  fide,  and  the  government  on  the  other.  Theconipittl  was 
that  ol  the  people  with  each  other,  to  ])roduce  iind  confHiute  a 
government.  To  fuppofe  that  any  government  can  be  a  party  in 
a  compafl  with  the  whole  people,  is  to  fuppofe  it  to  lia^e  cxill- 
ence  belore  it  can  have  a  light  to  exift.  Tlic  only  inftance  ia 
which  a  compaB  can  take  place  between  the.  people  and  itiole 
who  exercife  the  governnicnt,  is,  that  tlie  people  fhal!  pay  them, 
vrhile  thev  chufe  lo  emjloy  thcin. 

Government  is  noi  a  trade  which  aay  man  or  btdy  of  men  have 
a  light  to  fet  up  and  exercife  for  their  own  cmolunien',  but  is  alto- 
gether a  truft,  in  right  of  thofe  by  whom  that  tiuft  is  delegated, 
and  by  whom  it  is  always  icfumeable.  It  has  of  itfelf  no  lights  ; 
they  are  altogether  duties. 

Having  thus  given  two  inftanccs  ol  the  oilginal  formation  ol  a' 
coDilitulion,  1  will   (hew  the  manner  in   which  boi.h    have    been 
changed  fince  their  fir  ft  eftablilhment. 

Tlie  powers  vefted  in  the  governments  of  the  feveral  ftatcs,  by 
the  fiate  conflitulions,  were  iound,  upon  experience,  to  be  t  jo 
great ;  and  thole  vefted  in  the  federal  government,  by  the  i;£l  of 
conlederation,  too  little.  I'he  defett  was  not  in  thp  principle,  but 
in  thediftribution  of  pov/er. 

Nuir-erous  publications,  in  pamphlets  and  in  the  newfpapcrs, 
appeared,  on  the  propriety  and  necelliiy  of  new  modelling  the 
federal  government.  After  fome  time  or  public  difculhon,  canied 
on  through  the  channel  of  the  prefs,  and  in  conveilations,  the  ftate 
of  X'irglnia,  experiencing  fbir.e  inconvenience  with  relpett  to 
coiLinerce,  propofed  holding  a  continental  conference  ;  in  confc- 
qence  of  which,  a  deputation  from  five  or  fix  of  the  ILalc  alTcm- 
blies  met  zi  Annapohs  in  Maryland,  in  1786.  This  meeting,  not 
conceiving  itfelf  iufliciently  authorifed  to  go  into  the  bufimrs  of 
a  reform,  did  no  more  than  ftate  tlieir  general  opinions  of  the  pro- 
priety ot  the  meafure,  and  recommsnd  that  a  convention  of  all 
the  dates  (hould  be  held  the  yeai  following. 

This  conveniion  met  at  Philadelphia  in  M^v  i^S/,  ol  which 
Gei;eral  Walhington  u'as  elected  prehdent.  He  was  not  at  that 
time  connected  with  any  of  the  ftate  govcmirienus,  or  with  congrcls. 
He  delivered  up  his  commillion  when  the  vvar  cnikd,  and  fince 
then  had  lived  a  private  citizen. 

71ie  convention  went  deeply  into  all  th::  r.;bjc£ls,  and  having, 
after  a  variety  of  detate  and  invenida'iox:,  arrced''smoi;(T  thciiifelvts 

UDOtt 


(    3'^    ) 

upon   the  feveral  parts  of  a  federal  conftitution,  the  next  quefti= 
on  was,  the  m  nner  of  giving  it  authority  and  praftice. 

For  this  purpofe,  they  did  not,  like  a  cabal  of  courtiers,  fend 
for  a  Datch  Stadiholder,  or  a  German  Eleftor;  but  they  referred 
the  vvho'e  matter  to  the  fenfe  and  intercfl  of  the  countiy. 

They  fif  ft  direfted,  that  the  propofed  conftitution  fliould  be  pub- 
llfhed.  Secondly,  tr.at  each  ftate  fhould  ele6l  a  convention,  ex- 
prefaly  <or  the  puipofe  of  taking  it  into  confideraiion,  and  of  rati- 
tying  or  rejecting  it;  and  that  as  foon  as  the  approbation  and  ratifi- 
cation of  any  nine  ftates  fhould  be  given,  that  thofe  flatcs  fhould 
proceed  to  the  ele6lion  of  their  proportion  of  members  to  the  nevv' 
federal  government;  and  that  the  operation  of  it  fhould  then  begin^ 
and  the  former  federal  government  ceafe. 

The  i'everal  ftaies  proceeded  accordingly  to  cle8:  their  conventi- 
ons. Some  of  thole  conventions  ratified  the  conftitution  by  very 
large  majorities,  and  two  or  three  unanimouflv^.  In  others  there 
were  much  debate  and  divifion  of  opinion.  In  the  Maffachufetts 
convention,  which  met  at  Bofton,  the  majority  was  not  above 
nineteen  or  twenty,  in  about  three  hundred  members;  but  fuch  is 
the  nature  of  reprefentative  government,  that  it  quietly  decides  all 
matters  by  majority.  After  the  debate  in  the  MafTachafetts  con- 
vention was  clofed,  and  the  vote  taken,  the  obje£fing  members 
rofe,  and  declared,  *'  That  though  they  had  argued  and  voted  againfl 
*'  it,  becaufe  certain  parts  appeared  to  them  in  a  different  light  to  what 
*•  they  appeared  to  other  members;  yet^  as  the  vote  had  decided  in  fa- 
*'  vour  oj  the  conftitution  as  propofed,  they  Jhould  give  it  the  jamt 
*'  practical  Jupport  as  if  they  had  voted  for  it..'' 

As  loon  as  nine  ftates  had  concurred,  (and  the  reft  follov/ed  in 
the  order  their  conventions  were  e'efted.j  the  old  fabric  of  the 
federal  government  was  taken  down,  and  the  new  one  ereSled,  of 
whichGeneral  Waftiington  is  preildent — In  this  place  I  cannot 
help  remarking,  that  the  character  and  fervices  ot  this  gentleman 
are'fuincient  to  put  all  thofe  men  called  kings  to  fharae.  While 
they  are  receiving  trom  the  fweat  and  labours  of  mankind,  a  pro- 
diga-ity  oi  piy,  to  which  neither  their  abilities  nor  their  fervices 
can  entitle  them,  he  is  rendering  every  fei  vice  in  his  power,  and 
refufing  every  pecuniary  reward.  He  accepted  no  pay  as  com- 
mander in  chief;  he  accepts  noneasprefident  ol  the  United  States. 

After  the  new  federal  conftitution  was  eftalijifhed,  the   (late  of 
Pennfvlvania,  conceiving  that  fome  parts  of  its  own  conlHiutiort ' 
required  to  be  altered,  elecfed  a  convention  lor  that  p«rpoie,    1  he 
propofed  alterations  were  publilhed,    and   tiie   people  concuiring 
thejein,  they  were  eftabliihed. 

In  formlrig  thofe  conftitutions,  or  in  altering  them,  little  ox  no 
i.iconveniehce  took  place.  The  ordinary  courfe  of  things  was  not 
interrupted,  and  the  advantages  have  been  much.  It  is  always  the 
intereft  of  a  far  greater  number  of  people  in   a   nation   to  have 

things 


t  33    ) 

tilings  right,  then  to  let  them  remain  wron,^;  and  when  public  mat- 
ters are  open  to  debate,  and  the  pubHc  judgment  tree,  it  will  not 
decide  wrong,  unlefs  it  decides  too  haftily. 

In  the  two  inftances  of  changing  the  conftitutions,  the  govern., 
ments  then  in  being  were  not  a6i:ors  either  way.  Government  has 
no  right  to  make  itfelf  a  party  in  any  debate  refpeaing  the  priri- 
ciples  or  modes  of  forming,  or  of  changing,  conftitutions.  It  is 
not  for  the  benefit  of  thofe  who  exercife  the  powers  of  govern- 
ment, that  conftitutions,  and  the  governments  ilTuing  from  them, 
are  eftabliflied.  In  all  thofe  matters,  the  right  of  judging  and  act- 
ing are  in  thofe  who  pay,  and  not  in  thofe  who  receive. 

A  conftitution  is  the  property  of  a  nation,  and  not  of  thofe  who 
exercife  the  government.  All  the  conftitutions  of  America  are 
declared  to  be  eftabliftied  on  the  authority  of  the  people.  In  France, 
the  word  nation  is  ufed  inftead  of  the  people ;  but  in  both  cafes, 
a  conftitution  is  a  thing  antecedent  to  the  government,  and  always 
diftinfl  therefrom.  In  England,  it  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  that 
every  thing  has  a  conftitution,  except  the  nation.  Every  focicty 
and  afTociation  that  is  eftabliflied,  firft  agreed  upon  a  num.ber  of 
original  articles,  digefted  into  form,  which  are  its  conftitution.  It 
then  appointed  its  officers,  whofe  powers  and  authorities  are  de- 
fcribed  in  that  conftitution,  and  the  government  of  that  fociety 
then  commenced.  Thofe  officers,  by  whatever  lume  they  are 
called,  have  no  authority  to  add  to,  alter,  or  abridge  the  original 
articles.    It  is  only  to  the  conftituting  power  that  this  right  belongs. 

From  the  want  of  underftanding  the  difference  between  a  con- 
ftitution and  a  government,  Dr.  Johnfon,  and  all  writers  of  his  de- 
fcription,  have  always  bewildered  themfelves.  They  could  not 
but  perceive,  that  there  muft  neceflarily  be  a  controuling  power 
exifting  fomewhere,  and  they  placed  this  power  in  the  difcretioA 
of  the  perfons,  exercifing  the  government,  inftead  of  placing  it 
in  a  conftitution,  formed  by  the  nation.  When  it  is  in  a  confti- 
tution, it  has  the  nation  for  its  fupport,  and  the  natural  and  the 
political  controuling  powers  are  together.  The  laws  which  are 
enafted  by  governments,  coniroul  men  only  as  individuals,  but  th6 
nation,  through  its  conftitution,  controuls  the  whole  government, 
and  has  a  natural  ability  fo  to  do.  The  final  controuling  power, 
therefore,  and  the  original  conftituting  power,  are  one  and  the 
fame  pov/er. 

Dr.  Johnfon  could  not  have  advanced  fuch  a  pofition  in  any 
country  where  there  was  a  conftitution  ;  and  he  is  himfelf  an  evi- 
dence, that  no  fuch  thing  as  a  conftitution  exifts  in  England.  But 
it  may  be  put  as  a  queftion,  not  improper,  to  be  invcfligated,  That 
if  a  conftitution  does  not  exift,  how  came  the  idea  of  its  cxiftenc^ 
fo  generally  eftabliihed  ? 

In  order  to  decide  this  queftion,  it  is  necefTdry  to  confider  a  con- 
ftitution in  both  its  cafes: — Firft,  as  creating  a  govern  met  and 

K  giving 


(    34    ) 

.«rivin^  it  powers.  Seconaly,  as  regulating  and  ref^rainlng  the 
powers  fo  given. 

If  we  begin  with  William  of  Normandv,  we  find  that  the  go- 
vernment of  England  was  originally  a  tyranny,  founded  on  an  in- 
vafion  and  conqued  ot  the  country.  This  being  admitted,  it  will 
then  appear,  that  the  exertion  of  the  nation,  at  different  periods  to 
abate  that  tyranny,  and  render  it  lefs  intolerable,  has  been  credited 
for  a  conftitution. 

Magna  Charta,  as  it  was  called,  (it  is  now  like  an  almanack  of 
the  fame  date)  was  no  more  than  compelling  the  government  to 
renounce  a  part  of  its  aiTumptions.  It  did  not  create  and  give  pow- 
ers to  government  in  the  manner  a  conflitution  does;  but  was,  as 
far  as  it  went,  of  the  nature  of  a  re-conqueff,  and  noi  of  a  con- 
flitution ;  for  could  the  nation  have  totally  expelled  the  ufurpation, 
as  France  has  done  its  dcfpolifm,  it  would  then  have  had  a  confti- 
tuiion  to  form. 

Ihe  hiftory  of  tlic  Edwards  and  the  Henries,  and  up  to  the 
commencement  of  the  Stuarts,  exhibits  as  many  indances  of  ty- 
ranny as  could  be  aiSled  within  the  limits  to  which  the  nation  had 
redriiled  it.  The  Stuarts  endeavoured  to  pafs  thofe  limits,  and 
their  fate  is  well  known.  In  all  thofc  inflances  wc  fee  nothing  of 
a  conftitution,  but  only  of  reflriftions  on  aiTumed  power. 

After  this,  another  William,  defcended  from  the  fame  flock, 
and  claiming  from  the  fame  origin,  gained  pofielTion  ;  and  of  the 
two  evils,  J^ames  and  JVilliam^  the  nation  preferred  what  it  thought 
the  leaft  ;  fince,  from  circumilances,  it  mud  take  one.  The  a6f, 
called  the  Bill  of  Rights,  comes  here  into  view.  What  is  if, 
but  a  bargain,  which  the  parts  of  the  government  made  with  each 
other  to  divide  powers,  profits,  and  privileges  ?  You  fhall  have 
fo  much,  and  1  will  have  the  reft ;  and  with  refpefl  to  the  nation, 
it  faid,  {or  your  Jhari,  Y  oi:  Jhall  have  the  right  of  petitioning. 
This  being  the  cale,  the  bill  of  rights  is  more  properly  a  bill  of 
wrongs,  and  of  infult.  As  to  v/hai  is  called  the  convention  par- 
liament, it  was  a  thing  that  made  itfelf,  and  then  made  the  autho- 
rity by  which  it  acled.  A  few  perfons  got  together,  and  called 
ihemfelves  by  that  name.  Several  of  them  had  never  been  defi- 
ed, and  none  of  them  for  the  purpofe. 

From  tha  time  of  William,  a  fpecies  of  government  arofe,  if- 
fuing  out  of  this  coalition  bill  of  rights ;  and  more  fo,  fince  the 
corruption  introduced  at  the  Hanover  fucceffion,  by  the  agency 
of  Walpole;  that  canbe  defcribed  by  no  other  name  than  a  def- 
potic  legiflation.  Though  the  parts  may  embarrafs  each  other, 
the  whole  has  no  bounds;  and  the  only  right  it  acknowledges  out 
of  itfelf,  is  the  right  of  petitioning.  Where  then  is  the  conftitu- 
tion either  that  gives  or  that  reftrains  power  ? 

It  is  not  becaufe  a  part  of  the  government  is  elective,  that 
nwkesitlels  a  defpotifm,  if  the  perlons  fo  cle£led,    poiTefs  after- 

<vards, 


(    85    ) 

wards,  as  a  parliament,  unlimited  powers.  Election  in  this  caTe, 
becomes  feparated  from  reprclcntation,  and  the  candidates  are 
candidates  tor  defpolifm. 

I  cannot  believe  that  any  nation,  rcafoning  on  its  own  rights, 
would  have  thought  of  calling  thofe  things  a  con/iitution,  il  the 
cry  of  conllitution  had  not  been  fet  up  by  the  government.  It  has 
got  into  circulation  like  the  words  hre  and  guoz,  by  being  chalked 
up  in  the  Ipeeches  of  parliament,  as  thofe  words  were  on  window 
fhutters  and  door  pods  ;  but  whatever  the  conflitution  may  be  in 
other  refpecls,  it  has  undoubtedly  been  ike  mqft  produdwe  7nachins 
of  taxation  that  was  ever  invented  The  taxes  m  France,  under  the 
new  conllitution,  are  not  quiie  thirteen  Ihillings  per  head,*  and 
the  taxes  in  England,  under  what  is  called  its  pr-cfent  conflitution, 
arc  forty-eight  fhillings  and  fixpence  per  head,  men,  women,  and 
children,  amounting  lo  nearly  feventeen  millions  flerling,  bmldes 
the  expence  dt   colleftion,  which  is  upwards  of  a  million  more. 

In  a  country  like  England,  where  the  whole  of  the  civil  go- 
vernment is  executed  by  the  people  of  every  town  and  county, 
by  means  of  parifh  officers,  magillrates,  quarterly  feflions,  juries, 
and  affize  ;  without  any  trouble  to  what  is  called  the  government, 
or  any  other  expence  to  the  revenue  than  the  falary  of  the  judges, 
it  is  aftoniihing  how  fuch  a  mafs  of  taxes  can  be  employed.  Not 
even  the  internal  defence  of  the  country  is  paid  out  of  the  revenue. 
On  all  occafions,  whether  real  or  contrived,  recourfe  is  conti- 
nually had  to  new  loans  and  new  taxes.  No  wonder,  then,  that 
a  machine  of  government  fo  advantageous  to  the  advocates  of  a 
court,  fhould  be  fo  triumphantly  extolled  !  No  wonder  that  St. 
James's  or  St,  Stephen's  fliould  echo  with  the  continual  cry-  of 
conllitution  !  No  wonder,  that  the  French  revolution  (hould  be 
reprobated,  and  the  ref-publica  treated  with  reproach  \  The  red 
look  of  England,  like  the  red  book  of  France,  will  explain  th« 
jfeafon.t 

I  will  now,  by  way  of  relaxation,  turn  a  thought  or  two  to 
Mr,  Burke.     I  afk  his  pardon  for  negle6ling  him  fo  long. 

•♦  America" 

*  The  Waholc  amount  of  the  affeHed  taxes  of  France,  for  the  pre^ 
Cent  year,  is  three  hundred  millioni  of  livrci,  which  i*  twelve  milli- 
on* and  a  haU  (lerling  j  and  the  incidental  taxes  are  efiimated  at  thre« 
millions,  making  in  the  whole  fifccen  raillions  and  a  half;  whicb^ 
among  twenty-four  millions  of  people,  is  not  quite  thirteen  fhillings 
per  head.  France  has  lefTcncd  her  taxes  fince  the  revrolutica,  nearly 
nine  millions  fteiling  annually.  Before  the  revolution,  the  city  of 
Paris  paid  a  duty  of  upwards  of  thirty  percent,  on  all  ariiclei  brought 
into  the  city.  This  tax  was  colkdsd  at  the  city  gates.  It  was  taken 
ctf  on  the  firll  of  lafl  May,  and  the  gates  taken  down. 

f  What  was  called  the  livre  roug?>  or.  the  red  book,  in  France, 
was  not  exa^ly  fimilar  to  the  court  calender  in  England  ;  but  it  fuj^t 
ciently  Ihcwicd  how  a  great  par:  of  ihe  tsxei  was  lavilbed» 


(    36    ) 

''  America"  fays  he,  (in  his  fpeech  on  the  Canada  conftitution 
bill  "  never  dreamed  of  fuch  abfurd  doftrine  as  the  "  Rights  of 
Man." 

Mr.  Burke  is  fuch  a  bold  prefumer,  and  advances  his  affertions 
and  his  premifes  with  fuch  a  deficiency  of  judgment,  that,  with- 
out troubling  ourfelves about  principles  of  philofophy  or  politics* 
the  mere  logical  conclufions  they  produce,  are  ridiculous.  For 
inftance, 

If  governments,  as  Mr.  Burke  aflerts,  are  not  founded  on  the 
Rights  oF  Man,  and  are  founded  on  any  rights  at  all,  they  confe- 
quently  nmfl:  be  founded  on  the  rights  of  Jo?nething  that  is  noi 
maU'     What  then  is  that  fomething  ? 

Generaiy  fpeaking,  we  know  of  no  other  creatures  that  inhabit 
the  earth  tdan  man  and  beaft ;  and  in  all  cafes,  where  only  two 
things  offer  themfclves,  and  one  m.ufl;  be  admitted,  a  negation 
proved  on  any  one,  am.ounts  to  an  affirmative  on  the  other ;  and, 
therefore,  Mr.  Burke,  by  proving  againft  the  Rights  of  Man, 
proves  in  behalf  of  the  heajl ;  and  confequentiy,  proves  that  go- 
vernment is  a  beaft:  and  as  difficult  things  iometimes  explain  each 
other,  we  now  fee  the  origin  of  keeping  wild  hearts  in  the  Tower  ; 
for  they  certainly  can  be  of  no  other  ufe  than  to  Ihew  the  origin 
of  the  government.  They  are  in  the  place  of  a  conftitution. 
O  John  Bull,  what  honours  thou  haft  loft  by  not  being  a  wild 
beaft.  Thou  mighteft,  on  Mr,  Burke's  fyftem,  hare  been  in  the? 
Tower  for  life. 

If  Mr.  Burke's  arguments  have  not  weight  enough  to  keep  one 
ferious,  the  fault  is  lefs  mine  than  his;  and  as  I  am  willing  to  make 
^n  apology  to  the  reader  for  the  liberty  I  have  taken,  I  hope  Mr. 
Burke  will  alfo  make  his  for  giving  the  caufe. 

Having  thus  paid  Mr.  Burke  the  compliment  of  remembering 
liira,  I  return  to  the  fubjeft. 

From  the  want  of  a  conftitution  in  England  to  reftrain  and  re- 
gulate the  wild  impulfe  of  power,  many  of  the  laws  are  irrational 
and  tyrannical,  and  the  adminiftration  of  them  vague  and  pro- 
l)iematical. 

The  attention  of  the  government  of  England,  (for  I  rather 
chufe  to  call  it  by  this  name,  than  the  Engliffi  government)  ap- 
pears, fmce  its  political  connexion  with  Germany,  to  have  been 
fo  compietelv  engroffed  and  abforbed  by  foreign  aff"airs,  and  the 
:mcans  of  raifing  taxes,  that  it  feems  to  exift  for  no  other  purpofes. 
Domcftic  concerns  are  neglefted ;  and  with  refpe6l  to  regular  law, 
there  is  fcarcely  fuch  a  thing. 

Almoft  every  cafe  now  muft  be  determined  by  fome  precedent, 
be  that  precedent  good  or  bad,  or  whether  it  properly  applies  or 
jiot;  and  the  praftice  is  become  fo  general,  as  to  fuggeft  a  fuljpicion, 
that  it  proceeds  trom  a  deeper  policy  than  at  firft  fight  appears. 

Sine?} 


(    37    ) 

Since  the  revolution  of  America,  and  more  fo  fince  that  of 
France,  this  preaching  up  the  doftrine  of  precedents,  drawn  from 
times  and  circumflances  antecedent  to  thofe  events,  has  been  the 
ftudied  prafiice  of  the  Englifh  government.  The  generality  of 
thofe  precedents  are  founded  on  principles  and  opinions,  the  re- 
verfe  of  vs^hat  they  ought  to  be  ;  and  the  greater  diftanceof  lime 
they  ar^  drawn  from,  the  more  they  are  to  be  lnfpe£led.  But  by 
affociating  thofe  precedents  with  a  fuperflitious  reverence  lor  an- 
cient things,  as  Monks  (hew  relics  and  call  them  holy,  the  gene- 
rality Oi  mankind  are  deceived  into  the  defign.  Governments  now 
aft  as  if  they  were  afraid  to  awaken  a  fingle  reflexion  in  man. — 
They  are  fohly  leading  him  to  the  fepulchre  of  precedents,  to 
deaden  his  faculties  and  call  his  attention  from  the  fcene  of  revo- 
lutions. They  feel  that  he  is  arriving  at  knowledge  taller  than 
they  wifh,  and  their  policy  of  precedents  is  the  barometer  of  their 
fears.  This  poiitical  popery,  like  the  ecclefiaftical  popery  of  old, 
has  had  its  day,  and  is  haftening  to  its  exit.  The  ragged  relic  and 
the  antiquated  precedent,  the  monk  and  the  monarch,  will  moulder 
together. 

Government  by  precedent,  without  any  regard  to  the  principle 
of  the  precedent,  is  one  of  the  vileft  lyftems  that  can  be  fet  up. — 
In  numerous  inftances,  the  precedent  ought  to  operate  ss  a  warn- 
ing, and  not  as  an  example,  and  requires  to  be  {hunned  initead  of 
imitated ;  but  inflead  of  this,  precedents  are  taken  in  the  lump, 
and  put  at  once  tor  conftitutipn  and  for  law. 

Either  the  doftrine  of  precedents  is  policy  to  keep  man  in  a  f}ate 
of  ignorance,  or  it  is  a  pra£lical  confefTion  that  wifdora  degenerates 
in  governments  as  governments  increafe  in  age,  and  can  only  hob- 
ble along  by  the  ftilts  and  crutches  of  precedents.  How  is  it  that 
the  fame  perfons  who  would  proudly  be  thought  wifer  than  their 
predecelTors,  appear  at  the  fame  time  only  as  the  ghoils  of  de- 
parted wifdom  ? — How  ffrangely  is  antiquity  treated  i— To  an- 
fwer  fom.e  purpofes  it  is  fpoken  of  as  the  times  of  darknefs  and 
ignorance,  and  to  anfwer  others,  it  is  put  for  the  light  of  the 
world. 

It  the  do6lrine  of  precedents  is  to  be  followed,  the  expenccs  of 
government  need  not  continue  the  fame.  Why  pay  men  extrava- 
gantly, who  have  but  little  to  do  ?  If  every  thing  th^t  can  happen 
is  already  in  precedent,  legiflation  is  at  an  end,  and  precedent,  like 
a  dictionary,  determines  every  cafe.  Either,  therefore,  govern- 
ment has  arrived  at  its  dotage,  and  requires  to  be  renovated,  or  all 
the  occafions  for  exercifing  its  wifdom  have  occurred. 

We  now  fee  all  over  Europe,  and  particularly  in  England,  tlie 
curious  phasaomenon  of  a  nation  looking  one  way,  and  a  govern- 
ment the  other — the  one  forward  and  the  other  backward.  If  go- 
vernments are  to  go  on  by  precedent,  while  nations  go  on  by  im- 
provement, they  mull  at  iaft  come  to  a  final  reparation;    and  the 


(     38    ) 

fooner,  and  the  more  civilly,  they  determine  this  point,  the 
better.* 

Having  thus  fpoken  of  conftitutions  generally,  as  things  dif- 
tin£i  from  aftual  governments,  let  us  proceed  to  confider  the  parts 
ut  which  a  conftitution  is  compofed. 

Opinions  differ  more  on  this  fubjecl,  than  with  refpeft  to  the 
whole.  That  a  nation  ought  to  have  a  conftitution,  as  a  rule  for 
the  conduft  oF  its  government,  is  a  fimple  queftion  in  which  all 
men,  not  direftly  courtiers,  will  agree.  It  is  only  on  the  compo- 
nent parts  that  queftions  and  opinions  multiply. 

But  this  difficulty,  like  every  other,  will  diminifh  when  put  into 
a  train  of  being  rightly  underftood. 

The  firft  thing  is,  that  a  nation  has  a  right  to  eftablifh  a  confti- 
tution. 

Whether  itexercifcs  this  right  in  the  moft  judicious  manner  at 
firft,  is  quite  another  cafe.  It  exercifes  it  agreeably  to  the  judg- 
ment it  poffeffes ;  and  by  continuing  to  do  fo,  all  errors  will  at 
laft  be  exploded. 

When  this  right  is  eftabliftied  in  a  nation,  there  is  no  fear  that 
it  will  be  employed  to  its  own  injury.  A  nation  can  have  no  in- 
tereft  in  being  wrong. 

Though  all  the  conftitutions  of  America  are  on  one  general 
principle,  yet  no  two  of  them  are  exaftly  alike  in  their  compo- 
nent parts,  or  in  the  diftribution  of  the  powers  which  they  give  to 
the  a£tual  governments.     Some  are  more  and  others  lefs  complex. 

In  forming  a  conftitution,  it  is  firft  neceffary  to  confider  what 
are  the  ends  Tor  which  government  is  neceffary  ?  Secondly,  what 
are  the  beft  means,  and  the  leaft  expenfive,  for  accomplifhing  thofe 
ends  ? 

Government  is  nothing  more  than  a  national  affociation  ;  and 
the  objeft  of  this  affociation  is  the  good  of  all,  as  well  individu- 
ally as  colleflively.  Every  man  wifhes  to  purfue  his  occupation, 
and  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  labours,  and  the  produce  of  his  pro- 
perty in  peace  and  fafety,    and  with   the  leaft  poffible  expence. 

v,'heft 

*  Id  England,  the  improvement*  in  agriculture,  ufeful  arti,  ma-« 
nufaciures,  and  commerce,  have  been  made  in  eppofition  to  the 
genica  of  it»  governraeut,  which  i»  that  of  iollowing  precedent!.  It 
it  fcom  the  cntcrprize  and  induftry  of  the  individuaU,  and  their  nu- 
nitrci:«  affociatiduf,  in  which,  triteir  fpcakii:g,  government  i§  nei- 
ther pillon',  nor  bclfter,  that  thefe  improvements  have  proceeded. 
No  man  thought  aleut  the  governmecr,  or  who  wai  in,  or  who 
wa»  out,  when  he  was  planning  or  executing  thofe  thing!  ;  and  all  he 
had  to  hope  with  refpcd  to  government,  wa!,  that  it  would  let  him 
alone.  Three  or  four  very  filly  minnlerial  newi-paperi  are  continu- 
ally oflendlng  againfl:  the  fpirit  of  national  improvement,  by  afcribing 
it  to  a  miniftcr.  'fhe^  ma;r  with  m  much  truth  afcribe  thii  l)ook  to  a 
miniftcr. 


•{    39    ) 

when  tliefc  things  ar«?  accomplifhecl,  all  the  objcfis  for  which  go"- 
vernment  ought  to  beeftabliflied  are  anfwered. 

It  has  been  cuftomary  to  confider  government  under  three  di(- 
tin£l  general  heads.  The  legiflative,  the  executive,  and  the  judi- 
cial. 

But  if  we  permit  our  judgment  to  afl  unincumbered  by  the 
habic  of  muhiplied  terms,  we  can  perceive  no  more  than  two  di- 
vifions  of  power,  of  which  civil  government  is  compofed,  namely, 
that  of  legiflating  or  enafting  laws,  and  that  of  executing  or  ad- 
miniftering  them.  Every  thing,  therefore,  appertaining  to  civil 
government,  clafTes  itfelf  under  one  or  other  ot  thefe  two  divifions. 
So  far  as  regards  the  execution  of  the  laws,  that  which  is  called 
the  judicial  power,  is  ftriftly  and  properly  the  executive  power  of 
every  country.  It  is  that  power  to  which  every  individual  has 
appeal,  and  which  caufes  the  laws  to  be  executed  ;  neither  have 
we  any  other  clear  idea  with  refpeft  to  the  official  execution  of  the 
laws.  In  England  and  alfo  in  America  and  France,  this  power 
begins  with  the  magiftrate,  and  proceeds  up  through  all  the  courts 
of  judicature. 

1  leave  to  courtiers  to  explain  what  is  meant  by  calling  monar- 
chy the  executive  power.  It  is  merely  a  name  in  which  a6ls  of 
government  are  done  ;  and  any  other,  or  none  ai  all,  would  an- 
fwer  the  fame  purpofe.  Laws  have  neither  more  nor  lefs  authori- 
ty on  this  account.  It  muft  be  from  the  juftnefs  of  their  principles, 
and  the  intereft  which  a  nation  feels  therein,  that  they  derive  fup- 
port ;  if  they  require  any  other  than  this,  it  is  a  fign  that  fomc- 
thing  in  the  (yftem  of  government  is  imperfeft.  Laws  difficult  to 
be  executed  cannot  be  generally  good. 

With  refpeft  to  the  organization  ot  the  Ugiflative  pozvdr^  differ- 
ent modes  have  been  adopted  in  different  countries.  In  America 
it  is  generally  compofed  of  two  houfes.  In  France  it  conufts  but 
of  one,  but  in  both  countries  it  is  wholly  by  reprefentation. 

Thecaleis,  that  mankind  (from  the  long  tyranny  of  affumed 
power)  have  had  fo  few  opportunities  of  making  the  neceffary 
trials  on  modes  and  principles  of  government,  in  order  to  difco- 
ver  the  heft  that  government  is  hut  nozu  beginning  to  be  knozvn,  and 
experience  is  yet  wanting  to  determine  many  particulars. 

The  objeftions  againfl  two  houfes  are,  firif,  that  there  is  an  in- 
confiftency  in  any  part  oi  a  whole  legiilaturc,  coming  to  a  final 
determination  by  vote  on  any  matter,  whilft  tkat^  matter^  with  re- 
fpeft  iothat  whole,  is  yet  only  in  a  train  of  deliberation,  and  con- 
fequently  open  to  new  illuftrations. 

Secondly,  That  by  taking  the  vo(eon  each,  aj  a  feparate  body, 
it  always  admits  of  the  poffibi'ity,  and  is  olten  the  cafe  in  praftice, 
that  the  minority  governs  the  majority,  and  that,  in  fome  inftan- 
ees,  to  a  degree  of  great  inconGllency. 

Thirdly,  That  two  houfes  arbitrarily  checking  or  controuling 

'  each 


(    40    ) 

each  Other  is  inconriltent;  bccauie  it  cannot  be  proved,  on  the 
principles  of  JLift  reprefentation,  that  either  (hould  be  wifer  or 
better  tlian  the  other.  They  may  check  in  the  wrong  as  well  as  in 
the  right,  and  therefore  to  give  the  power  where  we  cannot  give 
the  wifdom  to  ufe  it,  nor  be  affured  of  its  being  rightly  ufed,  ren- 
ders the  hazard  at  leaft  equal  to  the  precaution.* 

The  objection  againft.  a  fingle  houfe  is,  that  it  is  always  in  a 
condition  ot  committing  itfelf  too  loon.  But  it  (hould  at  the 
fame  time  be  remembered,  that  when  there  is  a  conftitution  which 
defines  the  power,  and  efiabliflies  the  principles  within  which  a 
legiflature  fhall  at^,  there  is  already  a  more  effe6lual  check  pro- 
vided, and  more  powerfully  operating,  than  any  other  check  can 
be.     For  examp-e. 

Were  a  bill  to  be  brought  into  any  of  the  American  legiilatures, 
fimilar  to  that  which  was  pafTed  into  an  a6i;  by  the  Englifh  parlia- 
ment, at  the  commencement  of  George  the  firft,  to  extend  the 
duration  of  tbe  alTembiies  to  a  longer  period  than  they  now  fet, 
the  check  is  in  the  conftitution,  which  in  cfFe6l  fays,  Thus  far 
jhalt  thou  go  and  nofurthtr. 

But  in  order  to  remove  the  objection  againft  a  fingle  houfe, 
(that  of  afting  with  too  quick  an  impulfe,)  and  at  the  fame  time 
to  avoid  the  inconfiflencies,  in  fome  cafes  abfurdities,  arifing  from 
twohoufes,  the  following  method  has  been  propofed  as  an  im- 
provement upon  both.  Firft, 

*  With  refpefl  to  the  two  houfei,  of  wliich  the  Eugli>h  Parliament 
i»  compofcd,  thej  appear  to  be  cffedually  infliicaccd  into  one,  and  a« 
a  legiilaturc,  to  have  no  temper  of  it»  own.  The  raioifter,  whoever 
he  at  aajr  time  may  be»  touches  it  at  with  an  opium  wa«d,  aad  it  fieeps 
obexJience. 

But  if  we  look  at  the  didina  abiHtiea  of  the  two  houfe?,  tbe  aiffcr- 
ence  will  appear  fo  great,  aa  to  flicw  the  inconfidcncf  of  placing  power 
where  there  can  be  no  certainty  of  the  judgment  to  ufe  ir.  Wreict«eii 
as  the  ftate  of  reprefentation  ii  in  England,  it  is  manhood  compared 
with  what  it  called  the  houfe  of  Lord*  ;  and  fo  liale  ia  thi»  nick-named 
houfe  regarded,  that  the  people  fcarcely  inquire  at  any  time  what  it  is 
doing.  It  appeari  alfo  to  be  raoft  under  inilueoce,  aud  the  furtheft  re- 
moved from  the  genera!  intereft  of  the  nation.  In  the  dcbsteoa  en- 
gaging in  the  RulHan  and  Turkifh  war,  the  majority  in  the  houfe  of 
pcer«  in  favour  of  it  wa>  upwardt  of  ninety,  when  in  the  othef  houfe, 
which  is  more  than  double  its  numbers,  the  majority  was  &»cy-*ihree. 

The  proceeding*  on  Mr.  Fox's  bill,  rcfpectitig  the  rights  of  juries, 
merits  alfo  to  be  noticed.  The  perloaa  called  the  peers  were  not  the 
obje^s  of  that  bill.  They  are  already  in  polTemon  of  t.iote  privileges 
than  ihi:  hill  gave  to  others.  They  are  their  own  jory,  i*a<-;  if  any  of 
that  houfe  were  profecuted  for  a  iibel,  he  would  not  fuffer,  even  upo-t^ 
conviaion,  for  the  firft  orTence.  Such  incquniity  in  laws  ought  not 
to  exift  in  any  country.  The  French  ccnftxtution  fays.  That  the  law- 
is  the  fame  to  ere:;-  individu^al,  whether  to  protefl  or  ^unrfli.  All  arc 
equal  in  iis  figh:. 


(    4«    ) 

Firft,  To  have  but  one  reprefentation. 

Secondly,  To  divide  that  rcprefentation,  by  lot,  into  two  of 
three  parts. 

Tnirdly,  That  every  propofed  bill,  (hall  be  firfl  debated  in  thofe 
parts  by  fuccellion,  that  they  may  become  the  hearers  of  each  o- 
ther,  but  without  taking  any  vote.  After  which  the  whole  repre^ 
fentation  to  aflemble  for  a  general  debate  and  determination  by  vote. 

To  this  propofed  improvement  has  been  added  another,  for  the 
purpofe  of  keeping  the  reprefentation  in  a  ftate  of  conllant  renova- 
tion ;  which  is,  that  one-third  of  the  reprefentation  of  each  coun- 
ty, (hall  go  out  at  the  expiration  of  bne  year,  and  the  number  be 
replaced  by  new  eleftions.  Another  third  at  the  expiraion  of  the 
fecond  year  replaced  in  like  manner ;  and  every  third  year  to  be 
a  general  eleftion.* 

But  in  whatever  manner  the  feparate  parts  of  a  confti'ution  may 
be  arranged,  there  is  one  general  principle  that  diftinguifhes  free- 
dom from  flavery,  v/hich  is  that  all  hereditary  government  over  a 
people  is  to  them  a  [pedes  of  flavery,  and  reprejhdative  government 
is  freedom,  Confidering  government  in  the  only  light  in  which  it 
fhould  be  confidered,  that  of  a  National  Association;  it 
ought  to  be  fo  conftrufted  as  not  to  be  difordercd  by  any  accident 
happening  among  th«  parts ;  and,  therefore,  no  extraordinary  pow- 
er, capable  of  producing  fuch  an  effeft,  fhould  be  lodged  in  the 
hands  of  any  individual.  The  death,  fickncfsjabrence,  or  defeBion, 
of  any  one  individual  in  a  government,  ought  to  be  a  m  uier  ot  no 
more  confequence,  with  refpe6l  to  the  nation,  than  it  the  fame 
circumftance  had  taken  place  in  a  member  ot  the  EngliQi  Parlia- 
ment, or  the  French  National  AfTembly; 

Scarcely  any  thing  prefents  a  more  degrading  charaBer  of  na- 
tional greatnefs,  than  its  being  thrown  into  contufionby  any  thing 
happening  to,  or  afted  by,  an  individual ;  and  the  ridiculoufnefs 
of  the  fcene  is  often  increafed  by  the  natural  infii^nificance  of  the 
perfon  by  whom  it  is  occafioned.  Were  a  government  [o  con- 
llrufted,  that  it  could  not  go  on  unlefs  a  goofe  or  a  gander  were 
prefent  in  the  fenate,  the  difficulties  would  be  juft  as  jjreat  and  as 
real  on  the  flight  or  ficknefs  of  the  goofe,  or  the  gander,  as  it  it 
were  called  a  King.  We  laugh  at  mdividuals  for  the  filly  diffi- 
culties they  make  to  themlelves,  without  perceiving,  that  the  great- 
eft  ot  ;ill  ridiculous  things  are  a6fed  in  governments,  t 

F  All 

*  A«  to  the  rtateof  representation  in  Eo^^lanf^^  it  i«  too  ahfnrd  o 
be  reafoned  upon,  A'ln  jH  ail  ;he  reptelenled  parta  are  decreafwi;  in 
population,  and  the  u:irepref'°nter1  parti  arc  mcieafiojfcf.  A  ijcneral 
•ODvention  of  the  nation  is  neceffary  to  take  the  whole  ft-tc  of  iit 
jovernmeut  icto  confideratiou. 

f  It  is  related,  thst  in  th<?  canton  of  Berne,  in  SwilTerland.  it  hid 
fcttri  cuftomaryi  from  time  imraemoria!,  to  keep  a  bear  at  the  psji  lia 

cxpcuce. 


(    4«    ) 

Al!  the  conftitutions  of  America  arc  on  a  plan  that  excludes 
the  chilciilh  einbarrafTincnts  which  occur  in  monarchical  countries. 
No  fufpenfion  of  government  can  there  take  place  for  a  moment, 
Irom  any  circuniftance  whatever.  The  fyftem  of  reprefentation 
provides  tor  tvcry  thing,  and  is  the  only  fyftem  in  which  nations 
and  fTovernments  can  always  appear  in  their  proper  charafter. 

As  cKtr-iordinary  power  ought  not  to  be  lodged  in  the  hands  of 
any  individual,  fo  ought  there  to  be  no  appropriations  of  public 
money  to  any  perfon,  beyond  what  his  fervices  in  a  ftate  may  be 
worth.  It  fii^nifies  not  whether  a  man  be  called  a  prefident,  a 
kng,  an  emperor,  a  fenator,  or  by  any  other  name,  which  pro- 
priety or  tolly  m^y  devife,  or  arrooance  alFume,  it  is  only  a  cer- 
tain fervice  he  can  perform  in  the  (late  ;  and  the  fervicc  of  any 
fuch  individual  in  the  rotine  ot  office,  whether  fuch  office  be 
called  monarchiil,  prefidential,  fenatorial,  or  by  any  other  name 
or  title,  can  never  exceed  the  value  of  ten  thoufand  pounds  a 
year.  All  the  great  fervices  that  are  done  in  the  world  are  per- 
formed by  volunteer  charaflers,  who  accept  nothing  for  them; 
but  the  rotine  of  office  is  always  regulated  to  fuch  a  general  flan- 
dard  ol  abilities  as  to  be  within  the  compafs  of  numbers  in  every 
country  to  peiform,  and  therefore  cannot  miCrit  very  extraordina- 
ry recom pence.  Goycrnmentt  fays  Swift  ,  is  a  plain  things  and 
fitted  to  the  capacity  of  many  heads. 

It  is  inhuman  to  talk  of  a  million  flerling  a  year,  paid  out  of 
the  public  taxes  of  any  country,  for  the  fupport  of  any  individual, 
whilft  ihoufands  who  are  forced  to  contribute  thereto,  are  pining 
with  want,  and  ftruggling  with  mifery.  Government  does  not 
confid  in  a  contrafl  between  prifons  and  palaces,  between  poverty 
and  pomp;  it  is  not  inUituted  to  rob  the  needy  of  his  mite,  and 
increafe  the  vyretchednefs  of  the  wretched. — But  of  this  part  of 
the  fubjeft.  I  (hall  fpeak  hereafter,  and  confine  inyfeif  at  prefent  to 
political  obfcrvations. 

When 

expence,  and  th*  people  bau  been  taught  to  belie ;rc,  ttat  if  tliey  had 
not  \k  bear  they  (liotdd  all  be  undone.  It  happened  (ome  years  ago, 
that  th?  bear,  theu  in  being,  waa  taken  Tick'  and  died  too  fuddenly  to 
have  his  piace  Jinraediatcly  fiipplied  wiih  another.  During  tbi»  inter- 
regnum the  people  difcoveied  th^i  the  corn  grew,  and  the  vintage 
flounaied,  and  tue  fun  and  mo«n  coaiinucd  to  rife  and  let,  and  everjr 
thing  went  on  the  fame  as  before,  and,  taking  courage  from  thefa 
cirtumfiauceg,  they  lefolved  not  to  keep  any  ro-  re  bean ;  **  for,"  faid 
they,  **  a  bear  is  a  very  vorarioue,  cxpeafjve  ansmal,  and  we  were 
«*  obliged  to  pnll  out  his  claws,  left  he  (lionld  hurt  the  cinz'^ns  " 

The  liory  of  the  bear  of  Beroe  wa»  related  in  fome  of  the  French 
ncwi-paperi,  at  the  time  of  the  flight  of  Louis  XVI.  and  the  appli- 
cation of  it  to  monarchy  could  not  be  raiftaken  in  Fr  .nee  ;  but  it  feemi 
thaf  the  ariflocraty  of  Berne  applied  it  to   themfclve«|  afid  haVC  fiflCC 

(cohibited  tUe  leading  ui  Fccacb  aew«*pajpeEi« 


(  «  ) 

'  When  extraordinJiry  power  and  cj^lraoidinary  pay  are  allotted 
to  any  individual  in  a  government,  he  becomes  the  centre,  round 
which  every  kind  of  corruption  generates  and  forms.  Give  to 
any  man  a  milHon  a  year,  and  add  thereto  the  power  of  creating 
and  difpofing  of  places,  at  the  expence  of  a  country,  and  the  li- 
berties of  that  country  are  no  longer  fecure.  What  is  called  th« 
fplcndor  of  a  throne  is  no  other  than  the  corruption  of  the  ftate. 
It  is  made  up  of  a  band  of  parafitcs,  living  in  luxurious  indolence, 
out  of  the  public  taxes. 

When  once  fuch  a  vicious  fydem  is  eftablidied  it  becomes  the 
guard  and  proteftion  of  all  inferior  abufes.  The  man  who  is  ia 
the  receipt  of  a  million  a  year  is  the  laft  perfon  to  promote  a  fpirit 
of  relorm,  left,  in  the  event,  it  fhould  reach  to  himfelf.  It  is 
always  his  intere/l  to  defend  inferior  abufes,  as  fo  many  out-wora« 
to  proteft  the  citadel ;  and  in  this  fpecies  of  political  fortification, 
all  the  parts  have  fuch  a  common  dependence  that  it  is  ncvtr  to 
be  expe6ied  tliey  will  attack  each  other/* 

Monarchy  would  not  have  continued  fo  many  ages  in  the  world, 
iiad  it  not  been  for  the  abufes  it  prote£ls.  It  is  the  mafter-fraud, 
which  fhelters  all  ethers.  By  admitting  a  participation  of  the 
fpoil,  it  makes  itfclf  friends ;  and  v;hen  it  ceafes  to  do  this,  it  will 
ceafe  to  be  the  idol  of  courtiers. 

As  the  principle  on  which  conflltutions  are  not  formed  reje61s 
»ll  hereditary  preienfions  to  government,  it  alio  rejc£ls  all  that 

catalogue 

•  It  i>  fcarcelf  poflible  to  touch  on  anj  fuhjec^,  that  will  not  fog« 
geft  SD  allurion  to  fome  corruption  in  government*.  The  fin- lie  of 
**  fortificariona"  unfortunately  involves  in  it  a  circuir.f^ance,  which  is 
direftly  in  point  with  the  matter  above  alluded  to. 

Among  the  numeroui  infianc?"*  of  abufe  which  h^ve  been  afted  or 
proictted  br  govert^menti,  ancient  or  modern,  there  is  not  a  greater 
than  tha'  of  quartering  a  man  and  his  heirs  upon  the  public,  to  b« 
maintained  at  its  espence. 

Mamanity  diflates  a  provifion  for  the  poor;  but  by  what  right,  mo* 
ral  or  poiitical,  does  anjr  government  afuime  to  (ay,  that  the  perfoa 
called  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  fliall  be  miintained  by  the  public?— 
Yet,  if  common  report  is  true,  not  a  beggar  in  London  can  purchafe 
his  wretched  pittance  of  coal,  without  paying  to«vards  the  civil  lift 
of  the  Duke  of  Rjchraood.  Were  the  whole  produce  of  this  irn- 
pofition  but  a  (hilling  a  year,  the  iniquitous  priuciple  would  be  ftill 
the  fame;  but  when  it  amounts,  as  it  is  faid  to  do,  to  not  lefs  than 
twenty  thoufand  pounds  per  annum,  the  enormity  is  too  ferious  to 
be  permitted  to  remain,— This  is  one  of  the  effcfis  of  mocarsby  and 
fiiiftociacy. 

In  itatinj;  thiscaf'?,  I  am  led  by  m  perfona!  ditlike.  Thou;?h  I  think 
it  mean  in  any  man  to  live  upon  the  public,  the  vice  originates  in  thj 
government;  and  fo  general  is  it  become,  that  whether  the  parties 
are  in  the  miniftry  or  in  the  oppofuJon,  ic  makes  no  diflcreace «  thejr 
«ce  fur«  of  the  guarantee  of  each  other. 


(    44    ) 

catalogue  of  afTumpfions  known  by  the  name  of  prerogatives. 

IF  thertr  is  any  government  where  prerogatives  might  with  ap- 
parent fafety  be  enirufted  to  any  individual,  it  is  in  the  federal 
goveinmeni  ot  America.  Tlie  Prefident  of  the  United  States  of 
America  i^  elefted  only  for  four  years.  He  is  not  only  refpon- 
fiule  in  the  genera!  fenfe  of  the  word,  but  a  particular  mode  it 
Kid  down  in  the  conftiiution  for  trying  him.  He  cannot  be  eleft- 
cd  under  thiriy-five  years  of  age;  and  he  mull  be  a  native  oi  the 
country. 

In  a  comparifon  of  thefe  cafes  with  the  government  of  Eng- 
land, the  difference  when  applied  to  the  la'ter  amounts  to  an  ab- 
iurditv.  In  England  the  perlon  who  exercifes  prerogative  is  often 
a  foreigner;  always  half  a  foreigner,  and  always  married  to  a  fo- 
reigner. He  is  never  in  full  natural  or  political  coimexion  with 
the  country,  is  not  refponfibJejior  any  thing,  and  becomes  of  age 
at  eighteen  years;  yet  fuch  a  perfon  is  peimitted  to  form  foreign 
al'iances,  without  even  the  knowledge  ot  the  nation,  and  to  make 
war  and  peace  without  its  confent. 

But  this  is  not  all.  Though  fuch  a  perfon  cannot  difpofe  of  the 
government,  in  the  manner  of  a  tellator,  he  dilates  the  marriage 
contiexions,  which,  in  effetl,  accompli{hes  a  great  part  of  the 
fdtne  end.  He  cannot  direftly  bequeath  half  the  government  to 
Pruiha,  but  he  can  form  a  marriage  partnerfhip  that  will  produce 
almolt  the  fame  thing.  Under  fuch  circumftances,  it  is  happy  for 
England  that  Ihe  is  not  fituaied  on  the  continent,  or  fhe  mighty 
like  Holland,  fall  under  the  ditlatorfhip  ot  Pruffia.  Holland,  by 
marriage,  is  as  effectually  governed  by  Pruffia,  as  if  the  old  ty- 
ranny of  bequeathing  the  government  had  been  the  means. 

The  prefidency  in  America,  (or,  as  it  is  lometimes  called,  the 
executive,)  is  the  only  office  frotn  which  a  foreigner  is  excluded, 
and  in  England  it  is  the  only  one  to  which  he  is  admitted.  A  fo- 
TMgMcr  cannot  be  a  member  of  Parliament,  but  he  mav  be  what 
is  called  a  king.  If  there  is  any  reafon  for  excluding  foreigners, 
ii  ought  to  be  from  thofe  offices  where  mifchief  can  mofl  be  afted, 
and  where,  by  unitmg  every  bias  of  intereft  and  attachment,  the 
trufl  is  bell  iecurcd. 

But  as  nations  proceed  in  the  great  bufmefs  of  forming  confti- 
tu.ions,  they  will  examine  with  more  precifion  into  the  nature 
atid  bufinefs  of  that  department  which  is  called  the  executive. 
Wliat  the  legiflative  and  judicial  departments  are,  every  one  can 
fee  ,  but  with  refpe6t  to  what,  in  Europe,  is  called  the  executive, 
as  dillintl  irom  thofe  two,  it  is  either  a  political  fupeifluity  or  a 
chaos  of  unknown  things. 

Some  kind  of  official  department,  to  which  reports  fhall  be 
made  from  the  different  parts  of  a  nation,  or  from  abroad,  to  be 
laid  before  the  national  reprefcntatives,  is  all  that  is  neceffary  ; 
})iit  iheie  is  no  coriliilency  in  calling  this  the  executive  ;    neither 


(    45    ) 

can  it  be  confidered  in  any  other  light  than  as  interior  to  the  k*-. 
giflaiive.  The  fovereign  authority  in  any  country  is  the  power 
cf  makincr  laws,  and  every  thing  eife  is  an  official  department. 

Next  to  the  arrangement  of  the  princip'es  and  the  organization 
of  the  feveral  pans  ot  a  coniHtution,  is  the  provifion  to  be  made 
for  the  hipport  of  the  perfons  to  whom  the  nation  fliall  confid© 
the  admlniflrationof  the  conditutional  powers. 

A  nation  can  have  no  right  to  the  time  and  ferviccs  of  any 
per  (on  at  his  own  expence,  whom  it  may  chnfe  to  employ  or  cn- 
truft  in  any  department  whatever;  neither  can  any  realon  be 
given  tor  making  provifion  for  the  fupport  of  any  one  p^irt  of  a 
government  and  not  for  the  other. 

But,  admitting  that  the  honour  of  being  entrufled  with  any 
part  of  a  government  is  to  be  confidered  a  fufficient  reward,  it 
oujrht  to  be  lo  to  every  perfon  ahke.  It  the  members  of  the  le- 
giflaiure  of  any  country  are  to  ferve  at  their  own  expence,  that 
which  is  called  the  executive,  whether  monarchical,  or  by  any 
other  name,  ought  to  ferve  in  hke  manner.  It  is  inconfiftent  to 
pay  the  one,  and  accept  the  fervice  ot  the  other  gratis. 

In  America,  every  department  in  the  government  is  decently 
provided  tor ;  but  no  one  is  extravagantly  paid.  Every  member 
of  Congrefs,  and  of  the  affemblies,  is  allowed  a  fiifficiencv  for 
his  cxpences.  Whereas  in  England,  a  moft  prodigal  provifion  is 
made  for  the  fupport  of  one  part  of  the  government,  and  none 
for  the  other,  the  confequence  of  which  is,  that  the  one  is  fur- 
nifhed  with  the  means  of  corruption,  and  the  other  is  put  into  the 
condition  ot  being  corrupted.  Lefs  than  a  fourth  pait  of  fuch  ex- 
pence,  applied  as  it  is  in  America,  would  remedy  a  great  part  of 
the  corruption. 

Another  reform  in  the  American  conftitutions,  is  the  explod- 
ing all  oaths  of  pf^rfonality.  The  oath  of  allegiance  in  America, 
is  to  the  nation  only.  The  putting  any  individual  as  a  figure  for 
a  nation  is  improper.  The  happinefs  of  a  nation  is  the  fuperior 
objeft,  and  therefore  the  intention  ot  an  oath  of  allegiance 
ought  not  to  be  obfcured  by  being  figuratively  taken,  to,  or  in 
the  name  of,  any  perfon.  The  oath,  called  the  civic  oath,  in 
France,  viz.  the  "  nation,  i/ze  law,  and  the  king"  is  impro- 
per. If  taken  at  all,  it  ought  to  be  as  in  America,  to  the  nation 
only.  The  law  may,  or  may  not  be  good  ;  but  in  this  place,  it 
can  have  no  other  meaning,  than  as  being  conducive  to  the  hap- 
pinefs of  the  nation,  and  therefore  is  included  in  it.  The  re- 
mainder of  the  oath  is  improper,  on  the  ground,  that  all  perfonal 
oaths  ought  to  be  abolillied.  They  are  the  remains  of  tyranny 
ononepart,  and  flavery  on  the  other;  and  the  name  of  the 
Creator  ought  not  to  be  introduced  to  witnefs  the  degradation 
of  his  creation ;  or  if  taken,  as  is  already  mentioned,  as  figura- 
tive of  the  nation,  it  is  in  this  place  redundant.      But  whatever 

apology 


(    46    ) 

spoiogy  may  be  made  for  oaths  at  the  firdeflablidimsnt  of  a  "o 
vernment,  they  ought  not  to  be  permitted  afterwards.     If  a  go- 
vernment requires  ihe^ipport  of  oaths,  it  is  a  fign   that  it  is  not 
north  fupponing,  and  ought  not  to  be  fupported.     Make  govern- 
ment what  it  ought  to  be,  and  it  will  fupport  itfelf. 

To  conclude  this  part  of  ihe  fubje6l : — One  ot  the  grcateft  im- 
provements that  has  bten  made  for  the  perpetual  fecu)ity  and 
progrcfsof  conllitutional  liberty,  is  the  provifion  which  the  new 
conlHtutions  make  for  occafionally  revifing,  ahering,  and  amende 
ing  them. 

The  principle  upon  which  Mr.  Burke  formed  his  political 
creed,  that  "  of  binding  and  controuling  pofterily  to  the  end  of  time^ 
**  and  of  renouncing  and  abdicating  the  rights  of  all  pojienty  Jar 
*'  every*  is  now  become  too  deteftable  to  be  made  a  lubjctt  of 
debate;  and,  therefore,  I  pafs  it  over,  with  no  other  notice  thaa 
cxpofing  it. 

Government  is  but  now  beginning  to  he  known.  Hitherto  it 
Jias  been  the  mere  exercife  ot  power,  which  iorbad  all  effeQual 
enquiry  into  rights,  and  grounded  itfelf  wholly  on  poffefhon. 
While  the  enenrvy  of  liberty  was  its  judge,  the  progrefs  of  its 
principles  muft  have  been  (mall  indeed. 

The  conftitutions  of  America,  and  alfo  that  of  France,  have 
cither  affixed  a  period  for  their  revifion,  or  laid  down  the  mode 
hy  which  improvements  fhall  be  made.  It  is  perhaps  impoflible 
to  eftablifli  any  thing  that  combines  principles  with  opinions  and 
pra61icc,  v*'hich  the  progrefs  of  circum (lances,  through  a  length 
of  years,  will  not  in  fome  mcafure  derange,  or  render  inconfift- 
ent;  and,  therefore,  to  prevent  inconveniencies  accumulating, 
^till  they  difcourage  reformations  or  provoke  revolutions,  it  is  heft 
to  provide  the  means  of  regulating  them  as  they  occur.  The 
Rights  of  Man  ere  the  rights  of  all  generations  of  men,  and  can- 
5iot  be  monopolized  by  any.  That  which  is  worth  following,  will 
be  followed  for  the  fake  of  its  worth  ;  and  it  is  in  this  that  its  fc- 
curity  iie«;,  and  not  in  any  conditions  with  which  it  may  be  en- 
cumbered. When  a  man  leaves  property  to  his  heirs,  he  does  not 
<:onnc£l  it  with  an  obligation  that  they  (hall  accept  it.  Why  then 
fhould  we  do  otherwife  with  refpe6l  to  conftitutions? 

The  beft  conftitution  that  could  now  be  devifed,  confiflent  with 
the  condition  of  the  prefent  moment,  may  be  far  fhort  of  that  ex- 
cellence which  a  few  years  may  afford.  There  is  a  morning  of 
Teafon  rifmg  upon  man  on  the  fubjeft  of  government,  that  has  not 
appeared  before.  As  the  barbarifm  of  the  prefent  old  govern- 
ments expires,  the  moral  condition  of  nations  with  refpe£l  to  each 
other  will  be  changed.  Man  will  not  be  brought  up  with  a  favage 
idea  of  confiJering  his  fpecies  as  his  enemy,  hecaufe  the  accident 
of  birth  gave  the  individuals  exiftencc  in  countries  dillinguifhei 
by  difTereat  names :  a:id  as  conftitutions  have  always  toiiie  relation 


f  47    ) 

td  external  as  well  as  to  domeftic  clrcumftanccs,  the  means  of  be- 
nefiting by  every  change,  loreign  or  domellic,  fliould  be  a  part  of 
every  coriHiiution. 

We  a'ready  fee  an  aUeration  in  the  national  difpofition  of  Eng- 
land and  France  towards  each  other,  which,  when  we, lock  back 
to  only  a  tew  yea*-s,  is  itfelf  a  revolution.  Who  could  have  Fcre- 
fecn,  or  who  would  have  believed,  that  a  French  National  AiTem- 
blv  would  ever  ha"e  been  a  popular  toaft  in  England,  or  that  a 
friendly  alliance  of  the  two  nations  fhould  become  the  wifh  oi" 
cither.  I:  (hews,  that  man,  were  he  not  corrupted  by  govern- 
ments, is  naturally  the  friend  of  man,  and  that  human  nature  is 
not  of  itfelf  vicious.  That  fpirit  of  jealoufy  and  ferocity,  which 
the  governments  of  the  two  countries  infpired,  and  which  they 
rendered  fubfervient  to  the  purpofe  of  taxation,  is  nov/  yielding  to 
the  diftates  of  reafon,  intereil  and  humanity.  The  trade  of  courts 
is  beginning  to  be  underflood,  and  the  affeftation  of  myfterv,  with 
all  the  artificial  forcery  by  which  they  impofed  upon  mankind,  is 
on  the  decline.  It  has  received  its  death-wound  ;  and  though  it 
may  linger,  it  wiU  expire. 

Government  ought  to  be  as  much  open  to  improvement  as  any 
thing  which  appertains  to  man,  inftead  of  which  it  has  been  mo« 
nopolized  from  age  to  age,  by  the  m.o(l  ignorant  and  vicious  oi  the 
human  race.  Need  we  any  other  proof  of  their  wretched  manage- 
ment, than  the  excefs  of  debts  and  taxes  v/ith  wliich  every  nation 
groans,  and  the  quarrels  into  which  they  have  precipitated  the 
world  ? 

Juft  emerging  from  fuch  a  barbarous  condition,  n  Is  too  foon  to 
(determine  to  what  extent  of  improvement  government  may  yet 
be  carried.  For  what  we  can  foi-efee,  a'l  Europe  may  form  but 
One  great  republic,  and  man  be  free  of  the  whole. 

CHAP.     V. 

WAYS  a:7d  MEANS  of  improving  the  condition  cf  EUROPE, 
mterfper/td  with  Miscellaneous  Observations. 

IN  contemplating  a  fubjea  that  embraces  with  equatorial  mag- 
nitude the  whole  region  of  humanity,  it  is  impofiible  to  con- 
fine the  purfuit  in  one  fingle  direaion. '  It  takes  ground  on  ever^ 
character  and  condition  that  appertains  to  man,  and  blends -the 
individual,  the  nation,  and  the  world. 

From  a  fmall  fpark,  kindled  in  America,  a  flame  has  arifen,  not 
tobeextinguifhed.  Without  confuming,  like  the  Ultima  Rati9 
Reoiim,  It  winds  its  progrefs  from  nation  to  nation,  and  conquers 
by  a  filent  operation.  Man  finds  himfelf  changed,  he  fcarcely 
pc'-ceives  how.  fie  acquires  a  knowledge  of  his  rights  by  attend- 
VJgjull!y  to  his  iatcrcll,   aud  dilcuvers  in  the  event  that  the 

ilrenJtti 


{  48  ) 

ftrength  and  ppu'crs  oF  drfpotifm  confift  whollv  in  the  fear  of  riU 
filling  it,  and  that,  in  order  "  to  bejrce^  itisfufficicnt  that  he  wills 

Having  in  all  the  preceding  parts  of  this  work  endeavoured  to 
eftablifti  a  fyflem  of  principles  as  a  b^fis,  on  which  governmentt 
ought  to  be  ere6led  ;  1  flull  proceed  in  this,  to  the  ways  and  means 
of  rendering  them  into  praftice.  But  in  order  to  introduce  this 
part  of  the  fubjeft  with  more  propriety,  and  ftronger  efFefcl,  forae 
preliminary  obfervations,  deducibie  trom,  or  connected  u  iih,  thofe 
principles,  are  neceflaiy; 

Whatever  the  form  or  conflltution  of  government  may  be,    it  ' 
ought  to  have  no  other  objeft  than  the  general  happinefs.   Wh?n 
inltead  of  this,  it  operates  to  create  and  encreafe  wretchednefs  in 
any  of  the  parts  of  fuciety,  it  is  on  a  wrong  fyilem,    and  refor- 
mation is  neceffary. 

Cuftomary  language  has  clafTed  the  condition  of  man  under  the 
two  defcriptions  of  civihzed  a:id  uncivihzed  hfe.  To  the  one  it 
has  afcribed  teacity  and  affluence  ;  to  the  other  hardlhip  and  want. 
But,  however,  our  imagination  may  be  impreffed  by  painting  and 
eompajifon,  it  is  nevenhelefs  true,  that  a  great  portion  of  man- 
kind, in  whatare  called  civilized  countries,  are  in  a  Ifate  of  po- 
verty and  wietchednefs,  far  below  the  condition  of  an  Indian.  I 
rpeak  not  of  one  country,  but  of  all.  It  is  {^o  in  England,  it  ir 
fo  all  over  Europe.     Let  us  enquire  into  the  caufc. 

It  lies  not  in  anv  natural  defeft  in  the  principles  of  civilization, 
but  in  preventing  thofe  principles  from  having  an  univerfal  ope- 
ration; the  confequence  of  which  is,  a  perpetual  fyftem  of  war 
and  expence,  that  drains  the  country,  and  defeats  the  general  fe- 
licity of  which  civilization  is  capable. 

All  the  European  governments  (France  now  excepted)  are 
•onftru6fed  not  on  the  principle  of  univerfal  civilization,  but  on 
the  reverie  of  it.  So  far  as  thofe  governments  relate  to  each 
other,  thevarein  the  fame  condition  as  v.'e  conceive  of  favage 
uncivilized  life;  they  put  themfelves  beyond  the  law  as  well  o£ 
God  as  of  min,  and  are,  with  refpeft  to  principle  and  reciprocal 
conduft,  like  fo  many  individuals  in  a  flaie  of  nature. 

The  inhabitants  of  every  country,  under  the  civilization  o£ 
laws,  eafily  civilize  together,  but  governments  being  yet  in  an  un- 
civilized flate,  and  almofl  continually  at  war,  ihey  pervert  the  a- 
bundance  which  civi'ized  life  pioduces  to  carry  on  the  uncivilized 
part  to  a  greater  extent.  By  tbus  ingrafting  the  harbarilni  ot  go- 
vernment upon  the  internal  civilization  of  a  country,  it  drawa 
from  the  latter,  and  more  efpecially  from  the  poor,  a  great  porti- 
on of  thofe  earnings,  which  (hould  be  applied  to  their  own  fuhfiff- 
cnce  and  comfort.— Apar^-^  from  all  refleBions  of  mor.Jiiy  and 
philofophv,  it  is  a  melancholy  fatt,  that  more  than  one-fourth  of 
the  labour  of  mankind  is  annually  conlumed  by  this  barbarous  fyf- 
tem. What 


I   49  ; 

What  has  fervcd  to  continue  this  evil,  is  the  pecuniary  advan- 
tage which  all  the  governments  of  Europe  have  found  in  kecpuig 
up  this  ftate  of  uncivilization.  It  affords  to  them  pretences  tor 
power,  and  revenue,  for  which  there  would  be  neither  occafion 
nor  apology,  if  the  circle  of  civilization  were  rendered  conipleat. 
Civil  government  alone,  or  the  government  of  laws,  is  not  pio- 
duftive  of  pretences  for  many  taxes;  it  operates  at  home,  dirctUv 
under  the  eye  of  the  country,  and  precludes  the  poffibihty  of  much 
impofition.  Bat  when  the  fcene  is  laid  in  the  uncivilized  con- 
tention of  governments,  the  field  of  pretences  is  enlarged,  and 
the  country,  being  no  longer  a  judge,  is  open  to  every  impofuioii 
which  governments  pleafe  to  atl. 

Not  a  thirtieth,  fcarcely  a  fortieth,  part  of  the  taxes  which  arc 
raifed  in  England  are  either  occafioned  by,  or  applied  to,  the  pur- 
pofes  of  civil  governinent.  It  is  not  difficult  to  fee,  that  the  whole 
which  the  aftual  government  does  in  this  refpe^,  is  lo  enatt  -aus, 
and  that  the  country  adminiflers  and  executes  them,  at  its  own  ex- 
pence,  by  means  of  magiffrates,  juries,  feflions,  and  afiize,  over 
£nd  above  the  taxes  which  it  pays. 

In  this  view  of  the  cafe,  we  have  two  diilincl  chara8.ers  of  go- 
vernment ;  the  one  the  civil  government,  or  the  government  of 
laws,  which  operates  at  home ;  the  other  the  court  or  cabinet  go- 
vernmenf,  which  operates  abroad,  on  the  rude  plan  of  uncivil- 
ized life;  the  one  attended  with  little  cha.ge,  the  other  with 
boundlefs  extravagance;  and  fo  didm^l:  are  the  two,  that  if  the 
latter  were  to  fink,  as  it  were  by  a  fudden  opening  of  the  earth, 
and  totally  difappear,  the  former  would  not  be  deranged.  It 
would  ftlU  proceed,  becaufe  it  is  the  common  interefl  of  the  nation 
that  it  fliould,  and  all  the  means  are  in  praftice. 

Revolutions,  then,  have  for  their  object,  a  change  in  the  moral 
condition  of  governments,  and  with  this  change  the  burthen  of 
public  taxes  will  leflen,  and  civilization  will  be  left  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  that  abundance,  of  which  it  is  now  deprived. 

In  contemplating  the  whole  of  this  fubjeft,  I  extend  my  views 
into  the  department  of  commerce.  In  all  my  publications',  where 
the  matter  would  admit,  I  have  been  an  advocate  for  commerce, 
becaufe  I  am  a  friend  to  its  effe6ls.  It  is  a  pacific  fyflem,  ope- 
rating to  cordialize  mankind,  by  rendering  nations,  as  well  as  in- 
dividuals, ufeful  to  each  other.  As  to  mere  theoretical  reform- 
ation, I  have  never  preached  it  up.  The  inoft  cffetiual  procefs  is 
that  of  improving  the  condition  of  man  by  means  of  his  interefl; 
and  it  is  on  this  ground  that  I  take  my  Hand. 

If  commerce  were  permitted  to  aci  to  the  univerfal  extent  it  is 
capaole,  ii  would  extirpate  the  fyflein  oi  war,  and  produce  a  re- 
volution in  the  uncivilized  Hate  of  governments.  The  invention 
of  commerce  has  arifen  fince  thofe  governments  began,  and  is  the- 
greateft  approacli  towards  univerfal  civiiizaticn.  that  has  yet  been 

G  made 


(    so-  ) 

in<idt  by  ari)  nitans  not  immeJiately  fiowing  from  moral  principles. 

Whatever  has  a  tendency  to  promote  the  civil  intercourle  of 
nations,  by  an  exchange  of  benefits,  is  a  fiibjeft  as  worthy  of  phi- 
hifophy  as  of  politics.  Commerce  is  no  other  than  the  traffic  of 
two  iiidividuiis,  niuliiplicd  on  a  Icale  of  numbers;  and  by  the 
l^me  rule  that  nature  intended  the  intercourle  of  two,  flie  intended 
that  of  all.  For  this  purpofe  (he  has  dillribuied  the  materials  of 
inanufaBurcs  and  commerce,  in  various  and  diftant  parts  of  a  na- 
tion and  of  the  \/orld  ;  and  as  they  cannot  be  procined  by  war  fo 
cheaply  or  fo  commodioufly  as  by  commerce,  fhe  has  rendered  the 
la'f.er  the  means  of  extirpating  the  former. 

As  the  two  inrc  nearly  the  oppofhes  of  each  other,  confequent- 
]•.',  the  uncivilized  ftaie  ot  European  governments  is  injurious  to 
commerce.  Every  kind  of  deilruftion  or  embarraflment  ferves  to 
IcfTen  the  quantity,  ^^nd  it  matters  but  little  in  what  part  of  the 
ccMr-meiciai  world  the  reduction  begins.  Like  blood,  it  cannot  be 
taken  from  any  of  the  parts,  without  being  taken  Ironi  the  whole 
mafs  in  circulation,  and  all  partake  ol  the  lofs.  V/hen  the  ability 
in  any  nation  to  buy  is  delfroyed,  it  equally  involves  the  feller. — 
Could  the  government  of  England  deflroy  the  com.merce  of  all 
other  nations,  (lie  would  moft  efre61ually  ruin  her  own. 

It  is  })i-flible  thrit  a  nation  may  be  the  carrier  for  the  world,  but 
(lie  cannot  be  the  merchant.  She  cannot  be  the  feller  and  the 
buyer <jf  her  ov.-n  merchandize.  The  ability  to  buy  mull  refide 
out  ot  herfclf;  and,  therefore,  the  profperity  of  any  commercial 
nation  is  regulated  by  the  profperity  of  the  rcil.  If  they  are  poor 
fhe  cannot  be  rich,  and  her  condition,  be  it  what  it  may,  is  an  in- 
dex of  the  height  of  the  commercial  tide  in  other  nations. 

That  the  principles  of  comniprce,  and  its  univerfal  operation 
may  be  underftood,  without  underfianding  the  practice,  is  a  po- 
iition  that  reafon  will  not  deny;  and  it  is  on  this  ground  only  that 
I  argue  the  fubjefi.  It  is  one  thing  in  the  counting-houfe,  in  the 
world  it  is  ano;her.  With  lefpetl  to  its  operation  it  muil  nccef- 
farily  be  contemplated  as  a  reciprocal  thing;  that  only  one  half  its 
powers  relides  within  the  nation,  and  that  the  whole  is  as  efFe^lu- 
ally  deflroyed  by  deftroying  the  half  that  refides  without,  as  if  the 
deltruflion  had  been  committed  on  that  which  is  within  ;  for  nei- 
ther can  i\Li  without  the  other. 

When  in  the  lai^  as  well  as  in  former  wars,  the  commerce  of 
England  funk,  it  was  becaufe  the  general  quantity  was  leiTened 
every  where;  and  it  now  rifes,  becaufe  comuAerce  is  in  a  rifmg 
Hate  in  every  nation.  If  England,  at  this  da)',  imports  and  ex- 
ports more  than  at  any  former  period,  the  nations  with  which  (he 
trades  mud  necellarily  do  the  fame  ;  her  imports  are  their  exports, 
and  vice  ver/a. 

There  can  be  no  fuch  thing  as  a  nation  flouriftiing  alone  in  com- 
merce i  fhe  can  only  participate;  and  the  deflru6lion  of  it  in  any 

part 


(    3<    ) 

part  inuft  neceflarily  affcEi  all.  V/hcn,  thcrcTore,  governmcn'.s 
are  at  war,  the  attack  is  made  upon  the  common  flock  of  com- 
merce, and  the  comcquence  is  the  fame  as  if  each  had  attacked 
his  own. 

The  prcfcnt  increafe  of  commerce  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  mi- 
niflers,  or  to  any  poliiicil  contrivances,  but  to  its  own  naiural 
operations  in  confequencc  of  peace.  The  regular  maikets  had 
been  dcftroycd,  the  channels  of  trade  broken  up,  i!.e  high  road 
of  the  feas  infefted  with  robbers  of  every  nation,  and  the  atten- 
tion of  the  world  called  to  other  objefts.  Thofe  interruption<i 
have  ceafca,  and  peace  has  reftored  the  de.^-anged  condition  of 
things  to  their  proper  order. '^ 

It  is  worth  remarking,  that  every  nation  reckons  the  balance  of 
trade  in  its  own  favour ;  and  therefore  foirieihui^  mull  ha.  ir- 
regular in  the  common  ideas  upon  this  fubje^l. 

Tiie  raft,  however,  is  true,  according  to  what  is  called  a  bal- 
ance ;  and  it  is  from  this  caufe  that  commerce  is  univer Tally  fup- 
ported.  Every  nation  feels  the  advantage,  or  it  would  abandon 
the  praftice;  but  the  deception  lies  in  the  mode  of  making  up  the 
accounts,  and  in  aitributimr  what  are  called  profits  to  a  wronff 
caule. 

Mr.  Pitt  has  fometimes  amufed  himfelf,  by  fhewing  what  he 
called  a  balance  of  trade  from  the  cuftom-houfe  books.  This 
mode  of  calculation,  not  only  aiFords  no  rule  th^t  is  true,  but  one 
that  is  faife. 

In  the  firfl  place,  Every  cargo  that  departs  from  the  cuilom. 
houfe,  appears  on  the  books  as  an  export;  and  according  to  the 
cultom-houfe  balance,  the  lofFes  at  Tea,  and  by  foreign  failures, 
are  all  reckoned  on  the  Cids  of  profit,  becaufc  they  appear  as  ex- 
ports. 

Secondly,  Becaufe  the  importation  by  the  fmnggling  trade  does 
not  appear  on  the  cuHom-houfe  bouk.%  to  arrange  againlt  the  ex- 
ports. 

No  balance,  therefore,  as  applying  to  fnperior  advantages,  can 
be  drawn  from  thoie  documents ;  and  if  we  examine  the  natural 
operation  of  commerce,  the  idea  is  fallacious;  and  i{  true,  would 
foon  be  injurious.  The  great  fapport  of  commerce  confifls  in  the 
balance  being  a  level  ol  benefits  among  all  naaons. 

Two  merchants  of  different  nations,  trading  together,  will  both 

become 

*  lo  America,  the  increace  of  commerce  's  greater  in  porpotioii 
than  in  Euglaad.  It  i«,  at  chis  time,  at  lead  one  h-lf  more  than  ic 
any  period  prior  to  the  revolaion.  The  ^teat<=tl:  n;?j:ibcr  of  vcfleli 
cleare.l  uut  of  the  pori  of  rhiladel^hii,  lefore  mz  co!n:r.er;cen;eot  of 
t^ie  war,  w3«  between  eight  and  nine  buodred.  In  th*;  year  1788, 
the  num'jcr  was  upwarrja  of  twelve  huudrec*.  Ai  'he  rtate  of  Penn- 
fjlvania  is  eaimaied  an  an  cl^ht;  part  cf  the  Unitefl  St.^tes  ia  popidati' 
i-D,  the  whole  nuniher  of  vciTels  muft  now  be  ne^fl/  tea  ihoufant3» 


(      52      ) 

become  rich,  and  each  makes  the  balance  in  his  own  favour ;  con- 
icquenily,  ihey  do  not  get  rich  out  of  each  other;  and  it  is  the 
fame  with  vefpefc^  to  the  nations  in  which  they  refide.  The  cafe 
maft  be,  that  each  nation  muft  get  rich  out  ot  its  own  means,  and 
incieafes  that  riches  by  fomething  which  it  procures  from  another 
in  exchange. 

If  a  merchant  in  England  fends  an  article  of  Englifh  manu- 
faPture  abiodd,  which  coiU  him  a  fhiHing  at  home,  and  imports 
fDmeiiiing  which  fells  for  two,  he  makes  a  balance  ot  one  Shilling 
in  his  own  tavour  ;  but  this  is  not  gained  out  of  the  lojeign 
nation  or  the  foreign  merchant,  for  he  alfo  does  the  fame  by  the 
article  he  receives,  and  neither  has  a  balance  of  advantage  upon 
tlie  other.  The  original  value  of  the  two  articles  in  their  proper 
countries  were  but  two  fhillings  ;  but  by  changing  their  places, 
thev  accjuire  a  new  idea  of  value,  equal  to  double  what  they  had 
at  firft,  and  thai  encreaied  vaJue  is  equally  divided. 

Th  reis  no  otherwife  a  balance  on  foreign  than  on  domeftic 
comtDerce.  The  merchants  oJ  London  and  Newcaflle  trade  on 
the  fame  principles,  as  if  they  refided  in  different  nations,  and 
make  their  balances  in  the  fame  manner  :  yet  London  does  not 
gei  rich  out  ot  Newcaflle,  anv  more  than  Newcaflle  out  ot  Lon- 
don :  but  coals,  he  merchandize  of  Newcaflle,  have  an  addition- 
al value  at  London,  and  London  merchandize  has  the  fame  at 
Nt:wcaflle. 

Though  the  principle  of  all  commerce  is  the  fame,  the  domef- 
tic, in  a  national  view,  is  the  part  the  mod  benefical;  becaufe  the 
whole  of  the  advantages,  on  both  fides,  refts  within  the  nation  ; 
■whereas,  in  foreign  commerce,  it  is  only  a  participation  of  one 
half. 

The  mofl  unprofitable  ot  all  commerce  is  that  conne6led  with 
foreign  dominion.  To  a  few  individuals  it  may  be  beneficial, 
merely  becaufe  it  is  commerce  ;  but  to  the  nation  it  is  a  lofs. 
The  expence  of  maintaining  dominion  more  than  abforbs  the 
profits  of  any  trade.  It  does  not  increafe  the  general  quantity 
in  the  world,  but  operates  to  lefTen  it  ;  and  as  a*  greater  mafs 
would  be  afloat  by  relinquifhing  dominion,  the  participation  with- 
out the  e::pence  v/ouldbe  more  valuable  than  a  greater  quantity 
with  it. 

But  it  is  impofTible  to  engrofs  comm>erce  by  dominion  :  and 
therefore  it  is  itiil  more  fallacious.  It  cannot  exifl  in  confined 
channels,  and  neceflarily  breaks  out  by  regular  or  irregular  means, 
that  defeat  the  attempt ;  and  to  fucceed  would  be  flill  worfe. 
France,  finre  the  revolution,  has  been  more  than  indifferent  as  to 
Foreign  poffeirions;  and  other  nations  will  become  the  fame, 
when  they  invefligate  the  fubjeft  with  refpe6l  to  commerce. 

To  the  expence  ot  dominion  is  to  be  added  that  of  navies,  and 
when  the  amount  ot  the  two    is   fubtrcitled   from  the  profits  of 

commerce. 


(    53    ) 

commerce,  it  will  appear,  that  what  is  called  the  balarce  or  trade, 
even  a  Imittini^  it  to  exill,  is.  not  enjoyed  by  the  nation  but  abforb- 
ed  by  the  government. 

The  idea  o{  havincr  navies  for  the  proteBlon  of  commerce  is 
delufive.  It  is  putting  the  means  ox  deTiruBion  lor  the  means  of ; 
prote£tion.  Commerce  needs  no  other  proteftion  than  the  reci- 
procal intcreft  which  every  n^.tion  feels  in  fupporting  it — it  is 
common  ftock — itexiftsbya  balance  of  advantages  to  all;  and 
the  only  interruption  it  me-fts,  is  Irom  the  prelect  uncivilized 
ftate  ot  governments,  and  which  it  is  its  common  intcrell  to  re- 
form.* 

Quitting  this  fubje6^,  I  now  proceed  to  other  matters. — As  it 
is  neceifary  to  include  England  in  the  profpeft  ot  a  general  re- 
formation, it  is  proper  to  enquire  into  the  defefts  ot  its  govern- 
ment. It  is  only  by  each  nation  reforming  its  own,  that  the 
whole  can  be  improved,  and  the  full  benefit  of  reformation  enjoy- 
ed.     On^y  partial  advantages  can  {\ow  from  partial  reforms. 

France  and  Eni^land  are  the  only  two  countries  in  Europe 
■where  a  reformation  in  government  could  have  fuccefifu'.Iy  begun. 
Th^  one  fecure  by  the  ocean,  and  the  other  by  the  immenfity  of 
its  internal  flrength,  could  defy  the  malignancy  of  foreign  del- 
potifm.  But  it  is  with  revolutions  as  v/ith  comm.erce,  the  advan- 
tages increafe  by  their  becoming  general,  and  double,  to  either 
wliat  ea,Gh  wou'd  receive  alone. 

Asa  new  fyffem  is  now  opening  to  the  view  of  the  world,  the 
European  courts  are  plotting  to  counterael:  it.  Alliances,  contrary 
to  all  former  fyilems,  are  agitating,  and  a  common  interefl  of 
courts  is  forming  againft  the  common  intereft  of  man.  This  com- 
biiRtion  draws  a  line  that  runs  throughout  Europe,  and  prefents 
a  caufe  fo  entirely  new,  as  lo  exclude  all  calculations  from  former 
clrcumftances.  Wfiiledefpotifm  warred  with  defpotifm,  mzm  had 
no  intereft  in  the  conteft  ;  but  in  a  caufe  thdt  unites  the  foldier 
with  the  citizen,  and  nation  with  nation,  the  defpotifm  ot  courts, 
though  it  feels  the  danger,  and  meditates  revenge,  is  afraid  to 
Urike. 

No  queftion  has  arifen  within  the  records  of  hiilDry  that  prefTed 
with  the  importance  of  the  prefent.  It  is  not  whether  this  of  that 
party  fhall  be  in  or  out,  or  whig  or  toyy,  or  high  or  low  (hall  pre- 
vail; but  whether  man  ihal'.  inherit  his  rights,  and  univerfal  civiliz- 
9tiQn  take  place?  Whether  the  fruits  of  his  iahoiifs  ifiall  be  enjoy- 
ed 

*  When  I  faw  Mr.  Piti'i  node  of  efiimaring  t'ne  '.alance  of  trad<-, 
ir>  one  of  his  piiliamcatarr  fpeeche?,  he  appeared  to  me  trt  knownu- 
thitig  of  the  nature  aad  intereft  of  cornraei  ce  ;  and  do  man  Jia»  more 
waatoiil?  t©rti;rc(?  it  .kaix  hjmfelf.  DjrJng  a  perio-l  of  peace,  it  ha« 
been  Lavockcd  with  the  c^iarauies  of  war.  Three  times  hM  ic  beca 
thrown  into  ftagnation,  and  the  veffela  uomanned  by  iciprefTjug,  wiih- 
in  iefs  than  four  jeara  of  peace. 


(    54    ) 

cd  by  himfclf,  or  confumed  bv  the  profligacy  of  governments? 
Whether  robbery  diall  be  baniflied  from  courts,  and  vvretchednefs 
from  countries?  When,  in  countries  that  are  called  civilized,  we 
fee  age  going  to  the  workhoal'e  and  youth  to  the  gallows,  fomc- 
thing  muft  be  wrong  in  the  iy  Item  of  government.  It  would  feem, 
by  the  exterior  appearance  of  fuch  countries,  that  all,  was  happi- 
nefs;  but  there  lies  hidden  liom  the  eye  of  common  obfervation, 
a  nidfs  of  wretchednefs  that  has  fcarcely  any  other  chance,  than  to 
e:ipire  in  poverty  or  infamy.  Its  entrance  into  life  is  marked  with 
the  prefage  of  its  late;  and  until  this  is  remedied,  it  is  in  vain  to 
punifli. 

Civil  government  does  not  confift  in  executions;  but  in  making 
fuch  provifion  for  the  inllrutfion  of  youth,  and  the  fupport  of 
age,  as  to  exclude,  as  much  as  poUible,  pji;fligacy  from  the  one, 
and  defpair  from  the  other.  Inlfead  of  this,  the  refources  of  a 
country  are  lavilhed  upon  kings,  upon  courts,  upon  hirelings,  im- 
pollers,  and  prciftitutes;  and  even  the  poor  themfelvcs,  with  all 
their  wants  upon  them,  are  compelled  to  fupport  the  fraud  that 
opprefles  them. 

Why  is  it,  that  fcarcely  any  are  executed  but  the  poor?  The 
faff  is  a  proof,  among  other  things,  of  a  vvretchednefs  in  their 
condition.  Bred  up  wiihout  morals,  and  caft  upon  the  world  with- 
out a  profpeB,  they  are  the  expofed  facrifice  of  vice  and  legal  bar- 
barity. The  millions  that  are  fupeifluoufly  wafted  upon  govern- 
ments, aie  more  than  fufficient  to  reform  tlioleevils,  and  to  benefit 
the  condition  of  every  man  in  a  naiion,  not  included  vvichin  the 
purlieus  of  a  court.  Tnis  1  hope  to  niike  appear  m  the  pro- 
giefs  of  this  work. 

It  is  the  nature  of  compafTion  to  affociate  with  misfortune.  In 
taking  up  this  fubjeft  1  feek  no  recompence — I  fear  no  confe- 
quence.  Fortified  with  that  proud  integrity,  that  difdains  to  tii- 
umph  or  to  yield,  I  will  advocate  the  Riglits  of  Man. 

It  is  to  my  advantage  that  I  have  ferved  an  apprenucelhip  to  life. 
1  know  the  value  of  moral  inltiudion,  and  I  have  feen  the  danger 
oi  the  contrary.  At  at  early  period,  little  more  than  fixieen  years 
of  age,  Ydw  and  adventurous,  and  heated  with  the  falfe  heroifm  of 
a  maiter*  who  had  ferved  in  a  rnan  of  war,  I  began  the  carver  of 
my  own  fortune,  and  entered  on  board  the  Terrible,  (Privateer) 
Capt.  Death.  From  this  advcntui  e  I  was  happily  prevented  by 
the  affeftionate  and  moral  retnonftranje  of  a  good  father,  who, 
from  his  own  habits  of  life,  being  of  the  Quaker  protelTion,  muft 
begin  to  look  upon  me  as  loft.  But  the  impiefTion,  much  as  it  ef- 
fected at  the  time,  began  to  wear  away,  and  I  entered  aherwards 
in  the  King  of  Piciiiid  Privatser,  Capt.  Mendez,  and  went  Vviih 
her  to  fca.  Yet,  from  fuch  a  beginning,  and  with  all  the  incon- 
venience 

*  Rev.  William  Kaowlci,  raafter  oC  the  graramer  fchool  cf  Thet- 
f«id,  in  Noifoik. 


f    55    ) 

vcnicnce  of  early  life  agalnfl  me,  I  am  proud  to  fay,  tliat  with  a 
pcrfeverancc  undifmayed  by  difficuUics,  a  dilintereftediiefs  that 
compelled  refpeft,  1  have  not  only  contributed  to  raife  a  new  em- 
pire in  the  world,  founded  on  a  new  fyftem  of  government,  but 
1  have  arrived  at  an  eminence  in  political  literature,  the  moft  dif- 
ficult of  all  lines  to  fucceed  and  excel  in,  which  aiiftocracy,  with 
all  its  aids,  has  not  been  able  to  reach  or  to  rival. 

Knowing  my  own  heart,  and  feeling  myfelf  as  I  now  do,  fu- 
perior  to  all  the  fkirmilh  of  party,  the  inveteracy  of  inrercfled  or 
mi  (taken  opponents,  I  anfwer  not  to  falfehood  or  abufe,  but  pro- 
ceed to  the  defers  of  theEnglifh  goveinment.f 

1  begin  with  charters  and  corporations. 

It  is  a  perveifion  of  terms  to  fay,  that  a  charter  gives  rigbts. 
It  operates  by  a  contrary  efrc6t,  that  ot  taking  rights  away.  Rights 
are  inherently  in  all  the  inhabitants  ;  but  charters,  by  annulling 
thofc  rights  in  the  majoriry,  leave  the  right  by  exclufjon  in  (he 
hands  of  a  few.  If  charters  were  conflrufled  fo  as  to  exprefs  in 
direft  terms,  *'  that  every  i-habitant,  zvho  is  not  a  member  of  a 
lorporation,  Jliall  not  excrci/e  the  right  of  voting.'''  fuch  charters 
would,  in  the  face,  be  charters,  not  of  rights,  but  of  exclufion. 
The  effe£t  is  the  fame  under  the  term  thf  y  now  ftand  ;  and  the 
only  perfons  on  whom  they  operate,  are  the  perfons  whom  they 
exclude.  Thofe  whofe  rights  are  guaranteed,  by  not  being  taken 
away,  exercife  no  other  rights,  than  as  members  of  the  communi- 
ty they  are  entitled  to  without  a  charter;  and,  therefore,  a1  char- 
tcrs  have  no  other  than  an  indireft  negative  operation.  They  do 
not  give  rights  to  A,  but  they  make  a  difference  in  favour  of  A, 
by  taking  away  the  right  of  B,  and  confequently  are  inflruments 
of  injuftice.  But 

f  Politic*  anJ  felf-intereft  have  been  fo  uniforinljr  conoeOcfl,  tfi.it 
the  wnrif],  from  being  fo  often  deceived,  ha%  aright  to  be  iufpicioi;* 
of  public  charader«  :  but  with  regard  to  rc*felf,  I  am  perfedlr  eafr 
on  this  head.  I  did  uot,  at  xwy  firil  fettinT;  cut  m  public  life,  ncarlf 
feventecu  jears  ago,  turn  my  thoughts  to  fubjecis  of  government  from 
motives  of  irucrcft  ;  and  my  condud  from  that  momeai  to  this,  provps 
the  fact.  I  faw  r.n  opportuniiy,  In  which  I  thoug'it  I  could  do  t'omft 
good,  and  I  foL'owed  cr:.£!!7  whnt  mj*  hc^rt  diflated,  I  oeiiher  read 
bonks,  Bor  Oudied  oihfr  people's  cpinions.  I  thought  for  myfflf. 
The  cafe  was  this  :  During  the  fufpeafioa  of  the  old  govcrnra(-nti  in 
America,  both  prior  to,  and  at  the  breaking  out  of  h<;(?ilitic8,  I  was 
ftiuck  with  (he  order  apd  decorum  whu  uhich  cvtij  thing  was  ccn- 
<?u^^ed;  anJ  imr.rfn"cd  with  the  ide.i,  that  a  little  tr.orc  than  whst  fo- 
ciety  naturally  pet  formed,  was  all  the  g'lV-^rr  jnent  that  was  neceirarr  ; 
and  that  monarchr  and  ariftocrscy  were  frauds  .?r{d  inipofl  KTi»  up'>a 
maokind.  On  thrfe  principles  I  p':blinicd  the  painph'et  COMMON 
SEN^K.  The  fuccefa  it  met  with  yva*  beyond  sny  thing  fincc  the  in- 
vention of  p  inting.  I  gave  the  cot.y  fi^ht  up  to  every  flate  in  ihe 
union,  and  the  der^aad  raw  to  uqx  left  ihaa  cue  huiidrcd  ihou-'^and  m- 

pieff. 


(   5^    ) 

But  charters  and  corpoi'ations  have  a  more  cxtenfive  evil  cfFe^, 
than  whdi  relaies  merely  to  e'etHons.  They  are  fources  of  endlefs 
contentions  in  ihe  places  where  they  exilt ;  and  they  lefTen   the 

common 

pics.     I  continued  the  fubjefl  in  the  fame  manner,  under  the  title  of 
the    CRISIS,  till  the  com;>'ieie  eflabiilhrnent  of  the  revolution. 

After  the  ilcclaratiou  of  iuf!ependeuce,  Congrefi  unanimowfl/  and 
unknown  to  iiie,  apjoiated  me  fctreiarjr  in  the  foreign  department. 
Ihis  wa»  agreeable  to  lue,  bccaufe  it  gave  me  the  opportunity  of  Tee- 
iDg  into  the  abiliiie*  ot  foreign  court*,  and  their  manner  of  doing 
bulinefi.  But  a  raifunderftanding  arifing  between  Congrcfa  and  me, 
rclpcfting  one  of  their  commifiioners,  then  in  Europe,  Mr.  8ila» 
Deaue,  I  rciigned  the  office,  and  decliucd,  at  the  lame  time,  the  pe- 
cuiiiarT  oifera  ma.Ie  me  by  the  minilicr*  of  France  and  Spain,  M.  Ge- 
la'd  and  Dja  Juan  Minallci. 

I  had  Ljr  thi*  time  fo  completelj  gained  the  ear  and  confidence  of 
America,  znA  my  own  independence  wai  become  fo  vifible  a»  to  give 
me  a  range  \n  political  writing,  beyoud,  peihapi,  what  any  man  ever 
pofTeiled  in  any  country;  and  what  is  m^re  extraordinary,  I  held  it 
viudimiurtied  to  the  end  of  the  war,  and  Ciijoy  it  in  the  f*mc  manner 
lo  the  prefenr  moment.  A«  my  object  wai  not  m^felf,  I  let  out  wiih 
the  determiaation,  and  happ»ly  wiih  the  difporiiio.-),  of  not  being  moved 
by  praife  or  ceufuie,  friendfijjp  or  caliimny,  nor  of  being  drawn  from 
my  purpofe  by  any  perfonal  altercation  j  and  the  man  who  cannot  do 
this,  is  Doi  fit  for  a  public  charader. 

When  the  war  end«d,  I  went  from  Philadelphia  to  Bordcotown,  on 
the  eaft  bank  of  the  Delaware,  where  I  have  a  fmail  plase.  Congref* 
Mas  at  this  time  at  Pri-jcctoa,  fifteen  raiie*  liiftaot;  and  General 
Walhicgton  had  taken  hii  head  quarters  at  Rocky-Hill,  wiihm  the 
neighbourhood  of  Congref?,  for  the  purpofe  of  reiigning  up  hn  ccra- 
m  fTioE,  (the  objcci  for  which  he  accepted  it  being  accompii(hcd)  and 
of  rehiring  to  piivate  life.  While  he  was  oa  this  bvjfiucta,  he  wrote 
me  the  letter  which  I  here  fubioiu  : 

'•  Rocky-Hill,  Sept.  lo,    1783. 

**  I  hsve  learned  fince  I  have  been  at  this  place,  that  you  are  at 
Bordentcwu.  Wheiher  for  the  fake  of  retirement  or  csconomy,  I 
know  net.  Ee  it  for  either,  lor  I. oh,  or  whaevcrit  miy,  if  you 
Nvsil  come  to  this  place,  and  purtake  with  me,  I  ihall  be  e:::ceed:ngl]r 
happy  to  fr-e  you  at  it, 

"  Your  prefencc  may  remian  Congrefs  of  your  prifl:  fervices  to  this 
countiy;  and  if  it  ia  in  my  power  to  imprefs  them,  command  my  beft 
exertions  with  fiesdura,  at  they  will  be  rendered  cheerfully  by  one, 
v*ho  entertains  a  lively  feaTc  of  the  importance  of  your  works,  autl 
who,  with  much  pieafure,  l-jbl'-ritcs  himfelf, 

**  Your  nncere  friend, 

*•  G,     VV  A  S  H  I  N  G  T  O  N.'» 

During  the  war,  in  the  litter  end  of  the  year  17S0,  I  formed  to 
myt'ejf  a  dcf'gii  of  coming  over  to  England;  and  communicated  it  to 
General  Gieeue,  who  \*as  then  in  Philadelphia,  on  his  route  to  ihe 
fttuthward,  General  Waaiington  being  then  at  too  great  a  diftance  to 

ccraiuunicatc 


(  5;  ) 

common  rights  of  national  fociety.  A  native  of  England,  under 
the  operation  of  thefe  charters  and  corporations,  cannot  be  faid 
to  be  an  Ep.glilhman  in  the  full  fenfe  of  the  word.  He  is  not  free 
of  the  nation,  in  the  fame  manner  that  a  Frenchman  is  tree  of 
France,  and  an  American  of  America.  His  rights  are  circum- 
Icribed  to  the  town,  and,  in  fome  cafes,  to  the  parilh  ot  his  birth; 
and  all  other  parts,  though  in  his  native  land,  are  to  him  as  a 
foreign  country.  To  acquire  a  refidencc  in  thefe,  he  muft  under- 
go a  local  naturalization  by  purchafe,  or  he  is  forbidden  or  expel- 
led the  place.  This  fpecies  of  feudality  is  kept  up  to  aggrandize 
the  corporations  at  the  ruin  of  towns  ;  and  the  effeft  is  vifible. 
The  generality  of  corporation  towns  are  iil  a  Hate  of  folitary 

decay, 

communicate  with  inimedintely.  I  was  ftfongly  ImpreiTed  with  il.e 
idea,  that  if  t  coaid  get  over  to  England,  without  being  known,  an<l 
oulf  remain  in  fafetj  tili  I  could  get  out  a  publication,  that  I  could 
open  the  eyci  of  ihe  country  with  rcfpecl  to  the  mudneli  and  ft^piditjr 
of  Itt  government.  I  faw  that  the  parifei  ia  parliament  had  pittei 
therafelves  a«  far  a«  they  could  go,  and  could  make  no  ?jeir  iniprefiiop** 
on  each  other.  General  Greene  entered  fullf  into  rnf  vicwi;  but  the; 
affair  of  Arnold  and  Andre  happening  jufl  after,  he  changed  hi«  miDr* 
and,  under  flrong  apprehendon*  for  my  fafety,  wrote  very  preiTiagly 
to  me  from  Antapolis,  in  Maryland,  to  give  up  the  defign,  which, 
with  fome  reluftaace,  I  did*  Soon  after  thiis,  I  accompanied  Colonel 
Lawrens,  fon  of  Mr.  Lawrena,  who  was  then  in  the  Tower,  to  France, 
on  bufinefs  from  Congrefi.  We  landed  at  L'Oricnt ;  and  while  I  re- 
mained there,  he  being  gons  forward,  a  circumftance  occurred,  that 
renewed  ray  former  defign.  An  Englifh  packet  from  Falmouth  to 
New-York,  with  th*:;  government  defpatches  on  board,  was  brought 
inio  UOrien^i  That  a  packet  lliould  be  taken,  is  co  estraordinarf 
thing;  but  that  the  defpatches  fhould  be  t%ken  with  it,  will  fcarceir 
be  credited,  as  they  are  always  flung  at  fh<i;  cabin  window,  in  a  bag 
loaded  with  cannon  baP,  and  ready  to  he  funk  at  a  moment.  The  faf!, 
however,  ie  as  I  hare  dated  it,  for  the  defpatches  came  into  my  hand», 
and  I  read  them*  The  capture,  as  I  was  informed,  fucceeded  by  tha 
following  ftratagem:  The  captain  of  the  Madame  privateer,  who 
fpoke  Englilh,  on  cominj?  up  with  the  packet,  pafTed  himfcif  for  the; 
captain  of  an  Englifh  frigate,  and  invited  the  captain  of  the  packet  on 
board,  which,  when  d*n<',  he  f^nt  fome  of  his  own  hands  back,  and 
fccured  the  n\ AU  Bat  be  the  circurai^aace  of  the  capture  what  it  may, 
I  fpeak  with  certainty  as  to  the  government  defpatches*  They  were 
fent  up  to  Paris,  to  Count  Vergcnnei,  and  when  Colonel  Lawreni 
and  rajrfelf  returned  to  America,  we  took  the  originals  to  Congrefs, 

By  thefi  defpatches  I  faw  into  the  Cupidity  of  the  Engli^  cabinet, 
far  moTQ  than  I  otherwife  could  have  done;  and  I  renewed  my  forraec 
defgn.  But  Col.  I.awrens  was  fo  uawilliag  to  rsturn  alone  ;  more  ef- 
p^ciaily,  as  among  other  tnattcrj,  we  had  a  charge  of  cpwards  o£ 
two  bundled  ihoufaad  pounds  Iterling  :n  money,  that  I  give  into  hia 
widiiri^  and  finally  gave  up  my  plan.  Buc  I  am  now  certain,  that  if  £ 
could  have  executed  it,  ibat  it  would  not  hwc  bceo  altogether  un«» 
fuccefsfyl,.  H 


(    58    ) 

decay,  and  prevented  from  further  ruin,  oniy  by  fome  clrcum- 
ftatice  in  their  fiiiiation,  fuch  as  a  navigable  river,  or  a  pleniiiul 
furroundiH;:;  country.  As  population  :s  one  of  the  chief  fources 
of  weahh,  (tor  without  it  land  itfelf  has  no  value,)  every  thing 
which  operates  to  prevent  it  mud  lelfen  the  value  ol  properly; 
and  as  corporations  have  not  only  this  tendency,  but  diretlly  tins 
effect,  they  cannot  but  be  injurious.  If  any  policy  were  to  be 
followed,  inftead  of  that  ot  general  freedom,  to  every  perfon  to 
iettle  where  he  chofe,  (as  in  France  or  America,)  it  would  be 
more  confillcnt  to  jrive  encouragement  to  new  comers  than  to 
preclude  their  admiffion  by  exacting  premiums  from  them.* 

The  perfoiis  mo{f  immediately  intereiled  in  the  abolition  of 
corporaticns,  are  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  where  corporations 
are  eOablifhed.  The  inftances  of  Manchefter,  Birmingham  and 
Sheffield,  fhew,  by  contrail,  the  injury  which  thofe  Gothic  infti- 
tuiions  are  to  property  and  commerce.  A  few  examples  may  be 
found,  fuch  as  tliat  of  London,  whofe  natural  and  commercial 
advantage,  owing  to  its  fituation  on  the  Thames,  is  capable  ot 
bearing  up  agdinft  the  political  evils  of  a  corporation  ;  but  in 
a'moft  all  other  cafes  the  fatality  is  too  vifible  to  be  doubted  or 
denied. 

Though  the  whole  nation  is  not  fo  cftreflly  affefted  by  the  de- 
preflionof  property  in  corporaticwi  towns  as  the  inhabiiants  them- 
ielves,  it  partakes  of  the  confcquence.  By  leiTening  the  value 
of  property,  the  quantity  of  national  commerce  is  curtailed. 
Every  man  is  a  cuftomer  in  proportion  to  his  ability  ;  and  as  all 
parts  of  a  nation  trade  with  each  other,  whatever  efic£ls  any  ot 
the  parts,  muft  necciTarily  communicate  to  the  whole. 

As  one  of  the  houles  of  the  Englifh  parliament  is,  in  a  great 
meafure,  made  up  of  eleftions  from  thefe  corporations ;  and  as 
it  i's  unnatural  that  a  pure  ilream  fhould  flow  from  a  foul  foun- 
tain, i;s  vices  are  but  a  continuation  of  the  vi.ces  of  its  origin. 
A  man  of  moral  honour  and  good  political  principles,  cannot 
fubmit  to  the  mean  drudgery  and  difgractful  arts,  by  wliich  fuch 
cle61ions  are  carried.     To  be  a  fuccefsful  candidate,  he  muft    be 

deftitute 

*  Ii  ii  Hlfficul'  to  account  for  the  origin  of  charter  and  corporation 
townt,  unlcf»  wc  fuppofe  thera  to  b^ve  arifeo  out  r,f,  or  been  conned- 
ed  with,  fome  fpccie*  of  garrilou  fervicc.  The  timei  in  which  hey 
began  to  juftifjr  thii  idea.  The  generallity  of  thofe  town*  have  been 
garrifon*;  and  the  corporations  were  charged  with  ihe  care  of  the 
gatei  of  the  town*,  when  no  mil'tary  garrifon  wai  prcfent,  Theic 
J  efufing  or  granting  adiDJlTioa  tc  rtranger*,  which  hai  p' odured  tb« 
ctjftora  of  giving,  felling,  and  buying  freedom,  ha*  ino*e  of  the  nature 
of  garnfon  authority  th^n  civil  goverr.m<cut.  Sold'er*  are  free  of.all 
corporation*  throughout  the  nation,  \.y  the  fame  propriety  that  every 
foldier  ii  free  of  every  garrifon,  and  do  other  perfon*  are.  He  caa 
follow  any  employment,  with  the  permitlioQ  of  hit  ofiicert,  iu  auf 
corporation  towo  tbrcughout  the  Dation. 


('    69    ) 

clcftltute  of  the  qualities  that  conftitute  a  jail  legiflator  :  and  be- 
in^- thus  difciplined  to  corruption  by  the  mode  oi  entering  into 
parliament,  it  is  not  to  beexpefcled  that  the  reprelentaiive  {hould 
be  better  than  the  man. 

Mr.  Burke,  in  fpeakin^  of  the  E  lorlifh  reprelentation,  his  ad- 
vanced as  bold  a  cha'lenge  as  ^ver  was  given  in  the  days  of  chi' 
valry.  *'  Our  repreientafion,"  lays  he,  '*  has  been  found  per- 
*•  fedly  adequate  to  alt  thz  purpofes  for  which  a  reprefeniation  of 
*'  the  people  can  be  defired  or  deviled.  1  defy"  continues  he, 
**  the  enemies  of  our  conftitution  to  fhew  the  contrary." — This 
declaration  from  a  man,  who  has  been  in  conftant  oppofiiion  to 
all  the  meafures  of  parliament,  the  whole  of  his  political  life,  a 
year  or  two  excepted,  is  moll  extraordinary  ;  and,  comparing  him 
with  himfelf,  admits  of  no  other  alternative,  than  that  he  afttd 
againft  his  judgment  as  a  member,  or  has  declared  contrary  to  ii 
as  an  author. 

But  it  is  not  in  the  reprefentation  only  that  the  defefts  lie,  and 
theiefore  I  proceed  in  the  next  place  to  the  ariftocracy. 

What  is  called  the  Houfe  of  Peers,  is  conftituted  on  a  ground 
very  fimiUr  to  that,  againft  which  there  is  a  law  in  other  cafes, 
it  amounts  to  a  combination  ot  perfons  in  one  common  intereil. 
No  reafon  can  be  given,  why  an  houfe  ot  legifldtion  fhould  be  • 
compoled  entirely  of  men  whofe  occupation  conhfts  in  letting 
landed  property,  than  why  it  fliould  be  compofed  of  thofe  who 
hire,  or  of  brewers,  or  bakers,  or  any  other  (eparate  clafs  of  men. 

Mr.  Burke  calls  this  houfe,  **  the  great  ground  and  pillar  of  fc- 
"  curity  to  the  landed  intereJL''     Let  us  examine  this  idea. 

Wnat  pillar  ol  fecurity  does  the  landed  interell  require  more 
than  any  other  interell  in  the  ftate,  or  what  right  has  it  to  a  dif- 
tind  and  feparate  reprefentation  from  the  gencial  interell  of  a 
nation  ?  The  only  ufe  to  be  made  of  this  power,  (and  which  it 
has  always  made,  is  to  ward  off  taxes  from  itfelf,  and  throw  the 
burthen  upon  fuch  articles  of  confumption  by  which  iifelf  would 
be  Icall  affeaed. 

That  this  has  been  the  confequence,  (and  will  always  be  the 
eonfequence  af  conflruBing  governments  on  combinations,  is 
evident  with  refpeftto  England,  from  the  hiftory  of  iis  taxes, 

Notwithftanding  taxes  have  encreafed  and  muhipUed  upon  every 
article  of  common  confumption,  the  land-tax,  which  more  parti- 
cularly affe6ls  this  "pillai,"  has  diminilhed.  In  1788,  the  amount 
ot  the  land-tax  was/' x,950,ooo,  which  is  half  a  million  lefs  than 
it  produced  almofl  an  hundred  years  ago,*  notwithftanding  the 
rentals  are  in  many  inftances  doubled  fince  that  peiiod. 

Before  the  coming  of  the  Hanoverians,  the  taxes  were  divided 
an  nearly  equal  proportions  between  the  land  and  articles  of  con- 
fumption,. 

*  See  Sir  John  Sinclair't  Hiftory  of  the  Revenue.  The  Ucd-tax  ia 
%^46  wa»  2,473>499J« 


(    6o    ) 

jfumption,  ilie  land  bearing  rather  the  largcft  (hare;  but  fince  that 
acra,  neai'y  thirteen  milHons  annually  of  new  taxes  have  been 
thrown  upon  confumption.  The  confequence  of  which  hss  been 
a  conftant  increale  in  the  number  and  wreichedncfs  of  the  poor, 
and  in  the  amount  of  the  poor-rates.  Yet  here  again  the  burthen 
does  not  fall  in  equal  proportions  on  the  aiiftocracy  with  the  reft 
of  the  community.  Their  refidences,  whether  in  town  or  country, 
are  not  mixed  with  the  habitations  of  the  poor.  They  live  apart 
from  diftrefs,  aod  the  expence  oi  relieving  it.  It  19  in  manufac- 
turing towns  and  labouring  villages  that  thofe  burthens  prcfs  the 
htavieft  ;  in  many  cf  which  it  is  one  clafs  of"  poor  fupporting  anor 
Iher.  Several  of  the  mod  heavy  and  produ6live  taxes  are  fo  con-, 
trived,  as  to  give  an  exemption  to  this  pillar,  thus  Handing  in  its 
own  defence.  The  tax  upon  beer  brewed  for  fale  does  not  cfFeft 
the  ariliocracy,  who  brew  their  own  beer  free  of  this  duty.  It 
falls  only  on  thofe  who  have  not  conveniency  or  ability  to  brew, 
and  who  muft  purchafe  it  in  fmall  quantities.  But  what  will  man- 
kind think  of  the  juftice  of  taxation,  vi^hen  they  know  that  this 
tax  alone,  from  which  the  ariflocracy  are  from  circurnilances  ex- 
empt, is  nearly  equal  to  the  whole  of  the  land-tax,  being  in  the 
year  1788,  and  it  is  not  lefs  now,  /' 1,666,155,  and  with  its  pro- 
portion of  the  taxes  on  malt  and  hops,  it  exceeds  it.— That  a  fingic 
article  thus  partially  confuracd,  and  that  chiefly  by  the  workingpart, 
Ihould  be  fubjeft  to  a  tax,  equal  to  that  on  the  whole  rental  of  a 
nation,  is,  perhaps,  a  ra6l  not  to  be  paralleled  in  the  hiftories  of 
revenues.  This  is  one  of  the  confeqaences  refulting  from  an  houfe 
of  legiflation,  compofed  on  the  ground  of  a  combination  of  com- 
inon  intereft;  for  whatever  their  feparate  politics  as  to  parties  may 
be,  in  this  they  are  united.  Whether  a  combination  atis  to  raife 
the  price  ol  any  article  for  fale,  or  the  rate  of  wages;  or  whether 
it  a6ts  to  throw  taxes  from  itfe:f  upon  another  clafs  of  the  com- 
munity, the  principle  and  the  cfFe6l  are  the  fame;  and  if  the  one 
be  illegal,  it  will  be  difficult  to  Ihew  that  the  other  ought  to  exilt. 
It  is  to  no  ufe  to  fay,  that  taxes  are  firit  propofed  in  the  houfe  of 
commons ;  for  as  the  other  houfe  has  always  a  negative,  it  can  al- 
ways detend  itfelf ;  and  it  would  be  ridiculous  to  fuppofe  that  its 
acquiefcence  in  the  meafures  to  be  propofed  were  not  underflood 
t)eiorchand.  Befides  which,  it  has  obtained  fo  much  influence  by 
borough-traffic,  and  fo  many  of  its  relations  and  connexions  are 
dillribui^d  on  both  fides  of  (he  commons,  as  to  give  it,  befides  an 
abfolute  negative  in  one  houfe,  a  pieponderancy  in  ihe  other,  in 
all  matiers  ol  common  concern. 

It  is  difTicult  to  difcover  what  is  meant  by  the  landed  inteTtJl^  if 
it  does  not  mean  a  combination  of  arifiocraiical  land-holders,  op- 
pofing  their  own  pecuniary  intereft  to  that  of  the  farmer,  and 
every  branch  of  trade,  commerce,  and  manula6fure.  In  all  other 
refpefts  it  is  the  Only  intereft  that  needs  no  partial  protcftion.     It 

enjoys 


(    6.    ) 

enjoys  the  gdieral  protcftion  of  the  M'orld.  Every  individua], 
high  or  low»  is  intercfted  iii  the  truiis  ol  the  earth ;  men,  women, 
and  children,  of  all  ages  and  degrees,  will  turn,  oat  to  aflid  the 
farmer,  rather  than  a  harvell  Ihould  not  begot  In;  and  ihcy  will 
not  a6l  thus  by  any  other  property.  It  is  the  onlv^onc  tor  which 
the  common  prayer  of  mankind  is  put  up,  and -the  only  one  that 
can  never  fail  from  the  want  of  means.  It  is  the  interelt,  not  o£ 
the  policy,  but  of  the  exiilcnce  of  man,  and  when  it  cealcs  he 
inuft  ceafe  to  be. 

No  other  interefl  in  a  nation  ftands  on  the  fame  united  fupport. 
Commerce,  manufaBines,  arts,  Iciences,  and  every  thing  eifc, 
compared  with  this,  are  fupported  but  in  parts.  Tneir  prolperity 
or  their  decay  has  not  the  fame  univerlal  influence.  When  the 
vallies  laugli  and  fing,  it  is  not  the  farmer  only,  but  all  creation 
that  rejoices.  It  is  a  profperity  that  excludes  all  envy  ;  and  this 
cannot  be  faid  of  any  thing  elfe.  Why  then  does  Mr.  Burke 
ulkof  his  houfe  of  peers,  as  the  pillar  of  the  landed  interefl  ? 
Were  that  pillar  to  fink  into  the  earth,  the  fame  landed  property 
would  continue,  and  the  fame  ploughing,  fowing,  and  reaping 
would  go  on.  The  ariflocracy  are  not  the  farmers  who  work  the 
land,  and  ralfe  the  produce,  but  are  the  mere  confumers  ot  the 
lent;  and  when  compared  with  the  aBlve  world,  are  the  drones, 
a  feraglio  of  males,  who  neither  coileft  the  honey  x^.or  form  the 
hive,  but  exilf  only  for  lazy  enjoyment. 

Mr.  Burke,  in  his  firfl  eflay,  called  ariflocracy,  "  ike  Corinthi' 
an  capital  of  pohJJied  fociety.''  Towards  compleaiing  the  figure, 
he  has  now  added  ih^ pillar ;  but  flili  the  bafe  is  wanting;  and 
whenever  a  nation  chufes  to  aft  a  Sampfon,  not  blind,  but  bold, 
down  go  the  tem.ple  of  Dagon,  the  Lords  and  the  Phililtincs. 

It  a  houfe  of  legiOation  is  to  be  compofed  of  men  of  one  c'afs, 
for  the  purpofe  of  proteRing  a  dillin61  intereil,  all  the  other  in- 
tcref!s  fhould  have  the  fame.  The  inequality,  as  well  as  the  bur- 
then of  taxation,  arifes  from  admitting  it  in  one  cafe,  and  not  in 
all.  Had  there  been  an  houfe  of  farmers,  there  had  been  no 
game  laws;  or  an  houfe  of  merchants  and  manufafturers,  tfie 
taxes  had  neither  been  fo  unequal  nor  fo  excefFive.  It  is  from 
the  power  of  taxation  being  in  the  hands  of  thofe  who  can  throw 
fo  great  a  part  of  it  from  their  own  fhoulders,  thax  it  has  raged 
without  a  check.  Men  of  fmall  or  moderate  elfates,  arc  more  in- 
jured by  the  taxes  being  thrown  on  articles  of  conlumption,  than 
they  are  eafed  by  warding  it  from  landed  property,  for  the  follow- 
ing reafons : 

firfl.  They  confunie  more  of  the  proauciive  taxable  arti;,lcs, 
in  proportion  to  their  property,  than  thofe  of  large  eflates. 

Secondl)',  Their  refidence  is  chiefly  in  towns,  and  their  pro- 
perty in  hoiifes ;  and  the  encreafe  of  the  poor-rates,  occafjoned 
hy  tajfes  en  confamotion,  is  in  much  greater  proportion  than  the 

land-tax 


(     62     ) 

land-tax  has  been  favoured.  In  Birmingham,  the  poor- rates  ar^ 
not  lefs  than  feven  {hillings  in  ihe  jround.  From  liiis,  as  is  already 
obfVrved,  the  ariliocracy  are  in  a  great  meafure  exempt. 

Tiiefe  a:e  bat  a  part  of  the  miichicFs  flowing  from  the  wretched 
fcheme  of  an  houle  of  peers.  As  a  combination,  it  can  alwa\i 
throw  a  confiderable  ponion  of  taxes  from  iifeU ;  and  as  an  here- 
ditary houfe,  accotintdble  to  nobody,  it  refemblcs  a  roitpn  bo- 
rough, whofe  confent  is  to  be  courted  by  intereft.  There  are  but 
few  o[  iis  members,  who  are  not  in  fome  mode  or  other  partici- 
pateis,  or  difpofers  ot  the  pubhc  money.  One  turns  a  candie- 
hoider,  or  a  lojd  in  WcUting;  another  a  lord  of  the  bed-chaniLicr, 
a  groom  of  the  ftool,  or  any  infignificant  nominal  office,  to  which 
a  Lildry  is  annexed,  paid  out  of  the  public  taxes,  and  which  a- 
voids  the  dirtfl  appearance  ct  corruption.  Such  fituations  are 
tlerogaiory  to  the  chaiaOer  of  man  ;  and  where  they  can  be  lub- 
Hiitted  to,  honour  cannot  refide. 

To  all  thefe  aie  to  be  added  ihe  numerous  dependants,  the  long 
lift  of  younger  branches  and  diflant  relations,  who  are  to  be  pro- 
vided for  at  the  public  expence;  in  (hurt,  were  an  eftimaiion  to 
be  made  of  the  charge  of  ariftocracy  to  a  nation,  it  will  be  found 
nearly  equal  to  that  of  fupporting  the  poor.  Tr^e  Duke  of  Rich- 
mond alone  (and  there  are  cales  fiinilar  to  bis)  takes  away  as  much 
for  himfelf  as  would  maintain  two  thoufand  poor  and  aged  per- 
fons.  Is  it,  then,  any  wonder,  that  under  fuch  a  lyflem  of  go- 
vernment, taxes  and  rates  have  multiplied  to  their  prefent  extent  ? 

In  ftating  thefe  matteis,  I  fpeak  an  open  and  difinierefted  lan- 
guage, didated  by  no  paffion  but  that  of  humanity.  To  me, 
who  have  not  only  refufed  offers,  becaufc  I  thought  them  impro- 
per, but  have  declined  rewards  I  might  with  reputation  have  ac- 
cepted, it  is  no  wonder  that  meannefs  and  impofition  appear  dif- 
guiUul.  Independence  is  my  happinrfs,  and  1  view  things  as  they 
are,  without  regard  to  place  or  perfon ;  my  country  is  the  world, 
and  my  religion  is  to  do  good. 

Mr.  Burke,  in  fpeaking  of  the  ariftocratical  law  of  primogeni- 
ture, fays,  *'  it  is  the  ftanding  law  of  our  landed  inheritaDce;  and 
**  which,  without  queftion,  has  a  tendency,  and  I  think,"  conti- 
nues he,  *'  a  happy  tendency,  to  prefervea  charaHer  of  weight  and 
*'  confequence."  Mr.  Burke  may  call  this  law  what  he  pleafes; 
but  humanity,  and  impartial  refletfion,  will  denounce  it  a  law  of 
brutal  injuftice.  Were  we  not  accullomed  to  the  daily  pratfice, 
ami  did  we  only  hear  of  it  a^  the  law  of  fome  diftant  parr  of  the 
world,  we  fhould  conclude,  that  the  legiflators  of  fuch  countiies 
had  not  yet  arrived  at  a  Ifaie  of  civili^^ation.  As  to  its  preferving 
a  chara8er  of  weight  and  confequence^  the  cafe  appears  to  me  di- 
le^tly  the  reverfe.  It  is  an  attaint  upon  character;  a  fort  of  pri- 
vateering on  family  propeity.  It  may  have  weight  among  depend- 
ent tenants,  but  it  givcj^  none  on  a  Icale  of  national,  and,  much 

lefs 


(   63   ) 

lefs  of  univerfal  charafler.  Speaking  for  m)  felF,  mr  parents  were 
not  able  to  give  nie  a  fhilhng,  bt.yoml  what  ihcy  gave  nie  in  edu- 
cation; and  to  do  this  they  dillrefl'ed  ihemfelves ;  yet,  I  poffcTs 
moie  of  what  is  called  confequence,  in  the  world,  than  any  one 
in  Mr.  Buike's  catalogue  of  aiiilocrats. 

HiVing  thus  glanced  at  feme  of  the  defe^fs  o\  the  two  houfes  of 
parliament,  1  proceed  to  what  is  called  the  cri.wn,  upon  which  I 
(ha'l  be  very  concife. 

It  fignifics  a  n(.n)inal  office  of  a  million  fleriing  a  vear,  the  bu- 
finefs  o\  which  confills  in  receiving  the  money.  Whether  the 
perfon  be  wile  or  foolilh,  fane  or  infanc,  a  native  or  a  foreigner, 
matters  not.  Every  miniftiy  a8s  upon  the  fame  idea  that  Mr. 
Burke  wriie«,  namely,  that  the  pf-Ojde  muft  be  hood-winked,  and 
held  in  fuperlliious  ignorance  by  fome  but^bear  or  other ;  and 
what  is  called  the  crown,  anfwers  this  purpoie,  and  therefore,  it 
anfwers  all  tlie  purpofes  to  be  expefted  irom  it.  This  is  more 
than  can  be  faid  ot  the  other  two  branches.  The  hazard  to  which 
this  office  is  expofed  in  all  countries,  is  not  from  any  ihmg  that  can 
happen  to  the  man,  but  from  what  mav  happen  to  the  nation — the 
danger  of  its  coming  to  its  fenfes.  It  has  been  cuflomary  to  call 
the  crown  the  executive  power,  and  the  cuftom  is  continued, 
though  the  reafon  has  ceafed.  It  was  ca'led  the  executive,  becaufe 
the  perfon  whom  it  fignified  uled,  formerly,  to  fit  in  the  charafter 
of  a  judge,  in  adminiliering  or  executing  tire  laws.  The  tribunals 
were  then  a  part  of  the  court.  The  power,  therefore,  which  is 
now  called  judicial,  is  what  was  called  the  executive;  and,  confe- 
quenily,  one  or  other  of  the  terms  is  redundant,  and  one  of  the 
offices  ufelefs.  When  we  fpeak  of  the  crown  now,  it  means  no- 
thing; it  fignifies  neither  a  judge  nor  a  general ;  befides  which,  it 
is  the  laws  that  govern,  and  not  the  man.  The  old  terms  are  kept 
up,  to  give  an  appearance  of  confeqi;ence  to  empty  forms ;  and 
the  only  efF<^6l  they  have,  is  that  ot  increafing  expencc?. 

Before  I  proceed  to  the  means  of  rendering  governments  mora 
conducive  to  the  general  happinefs  of  mankind,  than  they  are  at 
prefent,  it  '/rill  not  be  improper  to  take  a  leview  of  the  progrefs 
of  taxation  in  England.  It  is  a  general  idea,  that  when  taxes  are 
once  laid  on,  they  are  never  taken  ofF.  However  true  this  may 
have  been  ot  late,  it  was  not  always  fo.  Either,  therefore,  the 
people  of  former  times  were  more  watchful  over  government  than 
thofe  of  the  prefent,  or  government  was  adminiftered  with  lefs 
extravagance.  It  is  now  feven  hundred  years  fince  the  Norman 
conquelf,  and  the  eftabliOiment  of  v,rhat  is  called  the  crown. — 
Taking  this  portion  of  time  in  feven  fepara'e  periods  of  one  htir- 
dred  years  each,  the  amount  of  the  annual  taxes,  at  each  period^ 
will  be  as  follows  : 

Annual  amount  of  taxes  levied  by  Vv'illinm  ihe 

Conqueror,  beginning  in  the  year  ic65,    —  /' 400,000 

Annital 


(    ^4    ] 

Annual  amount  of  taxes  at  one  hundred  years 

from  the  conquel},  (ii66j     —    —    —    —         Z' 200,000 
Annual  amount  of  taxes  at  two  hundred  years 

from  the  conqueft,  (1266)       —       —       -—  1^0,000 

Annual  amount  of  taxes  at  shree  hundred  years 

from  the  conqueft,  (1366)       —       —        — ■  130,000 

Annual  amount  of  taxes  at  four  hundred  years 

from  the  conqueil,  (1466)       —       —       —  100,000 

Thefe  flatements,  and  thofe  vvluch  foilovv,  are  taken  from  Sir 
John  Sinclair's  Hiflory  of  the  Revenue;  hy  which  it  appears, 
ihat  taxes  continued  decreafing  for  four  hundred  years,  at  the  ex- 
piration of  which  time  they  were  reduced  three-fourths,  viz.  from 
lour  hundred  tboufand  pounds  to  one  hundred  thoufand.  The 
people  of  England  of  the  prefent  day,  have  a  traditionary  and  hif- 
torical  idea  of  ihc  bravery  of  their  anceftors ;  but  whatever  their 
vir'ues  or  their  vices  might  have  been,  they  certainly  were  a 
people  who  would  not  be  impofcd  upon,  and  v/hc  kept  govern- 
ment in  awe  as  to  taxation,  it  not  as  to  principle.  Though  they 
were  not  able  to  expel  the  monarchical  ufurpation,  they  repair- 
ed it  to  a  republican  oeconomy  of  taxes.  Let  us  nov/  review  th-e 
remaining  three  hundred  years : 

Annual  amount  of  taxes  at  five  hundred  years 

from  the  conqueft,  (1566)        —       •—       —         ^'500,000 
Annual  amount  ot  taxes  at  fix  hundred  years 

from  the  conqueft,  (1666)       —       —       —  i,8oo,oco 

Annual  amount  ot  taxes  at  the  pretent  time,  (1791)  17,000,000 

The  difference  between  the  firft  four  hundred  years  and  the  laft 
three,  is  fo  aftonifliing,  as  to  warrant  an  opinion,  that  the  national 
charaBer  of  the  EngUfh  has  changed.  It  would  have  been  im- 
pofTible  to  have  dragooned  the  former  Englifh  into  the  excels  of 
taxation  that  now  exifts ;  and  when  it  is  confidered,  that  the  pay 
of  the  army,  the  navy,  and  of  all  the  revenue-officers,  is  the 
fame  now  as  it  was  above  a  hundred  years  ago,  when  the  takes 
were  not  above  a  tenth  part  of  what  they  are  at  prefent,  it  appears 
impofTible  to  account  for  the  enormous  increafe  and  expenditure, 
on  any  other  ground,  than  extravagance,  corruption,  and  intrigue.* 

With 

*  Several  of  the  court  ncw»-papcr»  have  of  late  made  frequent 
raentioD  of  V/at  Tyler.  That  hit  memory  fhould  be  iraduccJ  b>- 
couft  fycophaot*,  and  ail  thofe  who  live  on  the  fpoil  of  <i  pobiic,  Js 
cot  to  Ve  wondered  at.  He  wa»,  however,  the  means  of  checking 
the  rage  and  irju(^icc  of  taxuion  in  his  fiinr,  and  the  nstloD  owed 
Biuch  to  his  valour.  The  hiftory  \»  conciieir  ihii  :  In  the  time  of 
Richard  the  fecoi;d,  .1  poil-tax  was  levied,  of  ooe  shilling  per  head, 
fin  every  perfon  in  the  nation,  of  whatever  cftste  or  condiiioo,  on 
poor  a«  well  38  rich,  above  the  a;;e  of  15  years.  If  any  favour  wa» 
Hiewn  ia  the  law,  it  was  to  the  rich,  rather  than  to  the  poor;  «»  uo 

p erf Oft 


(    65    ) 

With  the  revolution  of  1688,  and  more  fo  fince  the  Hdnover 
fuccellun,  came  the  dcftrutlive  fyftem  of  continental  intrigues,  and 
the  rage  for  foreign  wars  and  foreign  dominion;  fyileins  of  fuch 
fecure  myftery,  that  the  expences  admit  ot  no  accounts  ;  a  {in;^^le 
line  l^ands  for  millions.  To  what  excels  taxaiion  might  have  ex- 
tended, had  not  the  French  revolution  contributed  to  break  up  the 
fyftem,  and  put  an  end  to  pretences,  it  is  irr.pcflible  to  fay.  View- 
ed, as  that  revolution  ought  to  be,  as  the  fortunite  means  of  lef- 
fcning  the  load  of  taxes  of  both  countries,  it  is  of  as  much  import- 
ance to  England  as  to  France;  and,  if  properly  improved,  to  all 
the  advantages  of  which  it  is  capable,  and  to  whicii  it  leads,  de- 
ferves  as  much  celebration  in  one  country  as  the  other. 

In  purfuiug  this  fubje^f,  I  ihall  begin  with  the  matter  that  firll 

prefents 

perfon  could  be  chargid  more  than  twenty  fliillings  for  himfelf,  farai- 
If,  and  lervarits,  though  ever  fo  numeroui  :  while  all  o:her  fami- 
Iie»,  uoder  rhe  ncahei'  of  twenty,  were  charged  pec  head.  PoH-taxea 
had  a'ways  been  odioun  ;  but  thi*  being  aifo  opprc^Tive  and  unj-jft,  it 
excited,  as  it  naturally  mufl,  univerfal  deteflation  among  th-  poor 
and  mdilie  cJaues,  The  pcrfoa  known  by  the  name  of  Wat  Tyler^ 
whofe  proper  name  was  Walter,  and  a  tyler  by  tra'e,  lived  at  Dept- 
ford.  The  gatherer  of  the  poll-tax,  on  coming  ro  his  houfe,  demand- 
ed tas  f 0;  one  of  his  daughters  whom  T/ler  declared  was  under  the 
r-.ge  ot  fifteen.  The  tax-gatherer  in(:ltcd  on  fa'isfring  himfeif,  and 
began  an  indecent  examination  of  the  girl,  which  enraged  the  father, 
he  ftriick  him  whh  a  hammar,  that  brought  him  to  the  ground,  and 
wa»  the  caufe  of  his  death. 

This  circumftance  ferved  to  bring  the  difcontents  to  an  ifTue.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  neighbourhood  efpoufed  tlie  caufe  of  Trier,  who, 
in  s  few  days  was  joined,  according  to  fome  hifvorians,  by  upward* 
of  fifty  thoufand  men,  and  chofen  their  chief.  With  this  force  he 
marched  to  London,  to  demand  an  abolition  of  the  tax,  and  a  redrefs 
of  other  grievances.  The  court,  finding  i;fclf  in  a  forlorn  condition, 
and  unable  to  make  refiftance,  agree  I,  with  Richard  at  its  head,  to 
hold  a  conference  with  Tyler  in  fcmiihneld,  making  many  fair  pro- 
feffions,  couriier-like,  of  its  difpofuions  to  redrefs  ihe  opprertionsi 
Wh;ic  R-ichard  and  Tyler  were  in  converfation  on  the(e  matters, 
each  being  on  horfeback.  Wslwrrth,  then  mayor  of  London,  and  one 
of  the  creatures  of  the  court,  watched  an  opportunity,  and,  Ike  a 
cowardly  afTatiJu,  ftabbed  Tyler  with  a  dagger ;  and  two  or  three  0- 
ihers  falling  upon  him,  he  wa«  iuftantly  facrificcd, 

Tjler  appears  to  hare  been  an  intrepid,  dirmtereded  man,  with 
refpect  to  himftif.  Ail  his  propof^Is  made  to  Richaid,  were  on  a 
mo  e  jvftaud  public  giouud,  than  tbofe  who  had  been  made  to  John 
by  the  Borons;  and  not  wuhllanding  the  fycophancy  of  hiftorians,  and 
men  like  Mr.  Burke,  who  teek  to  glols  over  a  bafe  «ftiou  of  the  court, 
by  traducing  rjrlcr,  his  fame  will  outlive  heir  falfeliood.  If  the  Ba- 
tons rn^rited  a  moaument  to  be  ereftcd  in  liuaayniec^e,  Tyler  raent« 
«ne  in  l^mithfiele!, 

i 


(    66    ) 

prefents  lifeli,  that  -^i  leffening  the  burthen  of  taxes;  and  fh all 
then  add  fiich  matters  and  propofiiions,  refpecting  the  three  coun- 
tries ot  England,  Fiance,  and  A-nerica,  as  the  preft^nt  profpeft 
of  things  appears  to  juflify  :  I  mean,  an  alliance  of  the  three,  for 
the  purpofes  that  will  be  mentioned  in  their  proper  place.  What 
has  happened  may  happen  again.  By  the  (latement  before  ftiovvn 
oi  theprogrtls  of  taxation,  it  is  [etn^  that  taxes  have  been  lelFen- 
ed  to  a  fourth  part  of  what  they  had  formerly  been.  Though  the 
prefent  circumllances  do  not  admit  of  the  fame  reduftion,  yet  they 
admit  of  fuch  a  beginning,  as  may  accomplifh  that  end  in  lefs  time, 
than  in  the  former  cafe. 

The  amount  of  taxes  for  the  year,  ending  at  Michaelmas  1788, 
was  as  foUows : 

Land  tax,  —  —  •  £  1,950,000 

Cuftoms,         —  —  —  3,789,274 

Excife,  (including  old  and  new  malt,)         —         6,751,727 
Stamps,  —  —  1,278,214 

Mifcelianeous  tiixes  and  incidents,  —  ^'^03,755 


Since  the  year  1788,  upwards  of  one  million,  new  taxes,  have 
been  laid  on,  behdes  the  produce  from  the  lotteries ;  and  as  the 
taxes  have  in  general  been  more  produftive  fince  than  before,  the 
amount  may  be  taken,  in  round  numbers  at  £  17,000,000 

N.  B.  The  exponce  of  colleftion  and  the  draw-backs,  which 
together  amount  to  nearly  two  millions,  are  paid  out  of  the  grofs 
amount ;  and  the  above  is  the  nett  ium  paid  into  the  exchequer. 

This  fum  of  feventeen  millions  is  applied  to  two  different  pur- 
pofes; the  one  to  pay  the  intereft  of  the  national  debt,  the  other  10 
the  current  expences  of  eacli  year.  About  nine  millions  are  ap- 
propriated to  the  former;  and  tlie  remainder,  being  nearly  eight 
millions,  to  the  latfcr.  As  to  the  million,  faid  to  be  applied  to 
the  renufcfion  of  the  debt,  it  is  fo  much  like  paying  with  one  hand 
and  taking  out  with  the  other,  as  not  to  merit  much  notice. 

It  happened,  fortunately  for  France,  thtt  (he  pofTeirf^d  national 
domains  for  paying  off  her  debt,  and  thereby  lellening  her  taxes : 
but  as  this  is  not  the  cafe  in  England,  her  reduilion  of  taxes  can 
only  take  place  by  reducing  the  current  expences,  which  may  now 
be  done  to  the  amount  of  four  or  five  millions  annually,  as  will 
hereafter  appear.  When  this  is  accomplilhed,  it  will  more  than 
counterbalance  the  enormous  charge  of  the  American  war;  and 
the  faving  will  be  from  the  fame  fource  from  whence  the  evil  arofe. 

As  to  the  national  debt,  however  heavy  the  intereif  may  be  in 
taxes ;  yet,  as  it  ferves  to  keep  alive  a  capital,  ufeful  to  commerce, 
it  balances  by  its  effe/Tis  a  confiderable  part  of  its  own  weight;  anii 
as  the  quantity  of  gold  and  hlyer  in  England  is,  by  fome  means  or 

other. 


(  6;  ) 

pther,  fhort  of  its  proper  proportion*,  (being  not  more  than  twen- 
ty millions,  whereas  it  fh)uld  be  fixty,)  it  would,  befides  the  in- 
juftice,  be  bad  policy  to  diflinguifh  a  capital  that  ferves  (o  fupply 
that  defeft.  But  with  refpeft  to  the  current  expeuce,  whatever  ^s 
fdved  therefrom  is  gain.  Ttie  excefs  may  ferve  to  keep  corrupti- 
on alive,  but  it  has  nore-a6Hon  on  credit  and  commerce,  hkethc 
interefl:  of  the  deb% 

It  is  now  very  probable,  that  fhe  Engllfh  government  (I  do  not 
mean  the  nation)  is  unfriendly  to  the  French  revolution.  What- 
ever fei  ves  to  expofe  the  intrigue  and  leflim  the  influence  of  courts, 
by  lefTening  taxation,  will  be  unwelcome  to  thole  who  feed  upon 
the  fpoil.  Whilil  the  clamour  of  French  intrigue,  arbitrary  pow- 
er, popery,  and  wooden  ihoes  could  be  kept  up,  the  nation  was 
eafily  allured  and  alarmed  into  taxes.  Thofe  days  are  now 
paft ;  deception,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  has  reaped  its  lad  harveft, 
and  better  times  are  in  profpeft  tor  bodi  countries,  and  for  the 
world.  Taking  it  for  granted,  that  an  alliance  may  be  formed 
between  England,  France,  and  America,  for  the  purpofes  here- 
after to  be  mentioned,  the  national  expences  of  France  and  En- 
gland may  confequenty  be  lefTened.  The  iame  fleets  and  armies 
will  no  longer  be  neceffary  to  either,  and  the  reduftion  can  be 
made  fliip  tor  (hip  on  each  fide.  But  to  accomplifh  thefe  objefts, 
the  governments  muft  necelfarily  be  fitted  to  a  common  and  cor- 
rcfpondent  principle.  Confidence  can  never  take  place,  while  an 
boflile  difpofiuon  remains  in  either,  or  where  myflery  and  fecre- 
cy  on  one  fide,  is  oppofed  to  candour  and  openefs  on  the  other. 

Thefe  matters  admitted,  the  national  expences  might  be  put 
back,  for  the  faL  of  a  precedent^  to  what  they  were  at  fome  period 
when  France  and  England  were  not  enemies.  This,  confequent- 
ly,  muil  be  prior  to  the  Hanover  fucceiTion,  and  alfo  to  the  re. 
volution  of  i688t.  The  firfl  inflance  that  prefents  itfelf,  antece- 
dent 

*  Foreign  intrigue,  fereign  war»,  end  foreign  dorr3,Jaion»,  will  ia 
a  great  nieafure  account  for  the  deficiency. 

f  I  happened  to  be  in  England  at  the  celebration  o»  the  ceatenary 
of  the  revolution  of  1688.  The  charafte  s  of  William  and  Mary  hav« 
always  appeared  to  me  deteftabic;  the  one  feeking  to  d^ftroy  hit.  un- 
cle, and  the  other  her  father,  to  get  poffelHon  of  po*er  therafelves  : 
yet  C3  the  nation  was  difpofed  to  think  fomething  of  thst  event,  I  felt 
hurt  at  feeing  it  afcribe  the  whole  reputation  of  it  to  a  man  who  had 
undertaken  it  asajobb,  and  who,  befidei  what  he  otherwife  go<-, 
charged  fix  hundred  thoufand  pound*  for  the  cxpence  of  the  little 
fleet  that  brought  him  from  Holland.  George  the  Firft  afted  the  fame 
clofe-fifted  part  as  William  h^d  done,  and  bought  ihe  Dtitchy  of  Brc- 
min  with  the  money  he  got  fcom  England,  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thoufand  pounds  over  and  above  his  pay  ai  king;  and  having  thus 
purchafed  at  the  expence  of  England,  added  it  to  bis  Hanoverian  do- 
minions for  his  own  private  profit.  In  fafi  every  nation  that  docs 
cat  govern  itfelf,  ii  governed  a»  ajobb.  En^landhai  been  the  prey 
«f  jobb»  ever  fiucc  the  leroluiion. 


(   68   ) 

dent  to  thofe  dates,  is  in  the  very  waftful  and  proffligate  times  of 
Charles  the  Second  ;  at  which  time  England  and  France  afted  as 
allies.  If  I  have  chofen  a  period  oi  great  extravagance,  it  will 
ferve  to  (how  modern  extravagance  in  a  ftil!  worfe  light ;  efpeci- 
ally  as  the  pay  of  the  navy,  the  army,  and  the  revenue  officers  has 
not  encreafed  fince  that  time. 

The  peace  eftdhllfliment  was  then  as  follows: — See   Sir  John 
Sinclair's  Hiftory  of  the  Revenue. 

Nav)',  —  —  —  —  —  300,000 
Arm.y,  —  —  —  —  —  212,000 
Ordnance,  —  —  —  — .  40,000 

Civil  Lift,         —  —  — •  —         462,115 


/'i,oi4,ii5 
The  parliament,  however,  fettled  the  whole  annual  peace  efta^ 
blifhment  at  1,200,000 1.  If  we  go  back  to  the  time  of  Elizabeth, 
the  amount  of  all  the  taxes  was  but  ha'f  a  million,  yet  the  natior* 
fees  nothing  duiing  that  period,  that  reproaches  it  with  warn  of 
confequence. 

All  circumftances  then  taken  together,  arifing  from  the  French 
revolution,  from  the  approaching  harmony  and  reciprocal  intereft 
of  the  two  nations,  the  abolition  of  court  intrigue  on  both  fides, 
and  the  progrefs  of  knowledge  in  the  fcience  of  government,  the 
annual  expenditure  might  be  put  back  to  one  million  and  an  half, 
viz.  Navy,  —  —  —  500,000 

Aimy,  —  —  —  500,000 

Expences  of  government,  -^  500,000 

/^  1,500,000 
Even  this  ftim  is  fix  times  greater  than  the  expences  of  govern- 
meru  are  in  America,  yet  the  civil  internal  government  in  Eng- 
land, (I  mean  thai  adminiflered  by  means  of  quarter  fefTions,  ju- 
ries, and  affize,  and  which,  in  fa6^,  is  nearly  the  whole,  and  per- 
foimed  by  the  nation)  is  lefs  expence  upon  the  revenue,  than  the 
fame  fpecies  and  portion  of  government  is  in  America. 

It  is  lime  that  nations  fhould  be  rational,  and  not  be  governed 
like  ..nimals,  for  the  pleafure  of  their  riders.  To  read  the  hiftory 
of  kings,  a  man  would  be  almoft  inclined  to  luppofe  that  govern- 
ment conlifted  m  ftag-hniiLing,  and  that  every  nation  paid  a  million 
a  year  to  a  huntlman.  Man  ought  to  have  pride,  or  (hame  enough 
to  biulh  at  being  thus  impofcd  upon,  and  when  he  feels  his  pro- 
per chaiafcter,  he  will.     Upon  all  fubjt^tts  of  this  nature,  there  is 

often 

f  Charles,  like  his  prcdecflfon  and  fuccelTort,  finf^ing  that  war  wa« 
the  harvef!  of  governments,  engaged  in  a  war  with  the  Dntcb,  the 
expence  of  which  iocreafed  the  annual  expenditure  to  i,8oo.oool. 
8»  ftated  under  the  date  of  1666',  but  the  peace  eflablifhment  was 
but  1,200^0001. 


{     tig    ) 

often  pafTinc;  in  the  mind,  a  train  of  ideas  he  has  not  yet  accuftom- 
ed  himielt  lo  encourage  and  communicate.  Reilrained  by  forne- 
thing  that  puts  on  the  charafter  ot  prudence,  he  a6h  the  hypo- 
crite upon  himleH  as  well  as  to  others.  It  is,  however,  curious 
to  obferve  iunv  foon  this  fpell  can  be  diffolved.  A  fnii^le  expief- 
fion,  boldly  conceived  and  uttered,  will  fome  imes  put  a  whole 
company  into  their  proper  feelings ;  and  whole  nations  are  a6fed 
upon  in  the  fame  manner.  As  to  the  offices  of  which  any  civil 
government  may  be  compofed,  it  matters  but  little  by  what  names 
ihey  are  defcnbed.  In  the  rotine  of  bufincfs,  as  before  obierved, 
whether  a  man  be  flyled  a  prefident,  a  k  ng,  an  emperor,  a  fenator, 
or  any  thing  elfe,  it  is  impofiiblc  that  any  fervice  he  can  pertorin, 
can  merit  h om  a  nation  more  than  ten  tliouiand  pounds  a  year ;  and 
as  no  roan  Ihould  be  paid  beyond  his  fervices,  lo  every  man  of  a 
proper  heart  will  not  accept  more.  Public  money  ought  to  be 
touched  with  the  moft  Icruuulous  confcioidnels  of  honour.  Ii  is 
not  the  produce  ul  riches  o?  ly,  but  (>f  the  hard  earnings  of  labour 
and  poverty.  It  is  drawn  even  from  the  bitterneis  of  want  and 
mifery.  Not  a  beggar  paifes,  or  perifhes  in  the  ftrtets,  whofe  mite 
is  not  in  that  rnafs. 

Were  it  pcflible  that  the  Congrefs  of  America,  could  be  fo  loH 
to  their  duty,  and  to  ttie  intereil  of  their  conftltuents,  as  to  offer 
General  Waihington,  as  prefident  of  America,  a  million  a  year, 
he  would  not,  and  he  could  not  accepi  it.  His  fenfe  of  honour 
is  of  another  kind.  It  has  coft  Eng'and  almoft  feventy  millions 
flerling,  to  maintam  a  family  imported  from  abroad,  of  very  in- 
ferior capacity  to  thouC^nds  in  the  nation  ;  and  fcarcely  a  )ear  has 
paffed  ihat  has  not  produced  fome  new  mercenary  application. — 
Even  the  phyficians  bil's  have  been  fent  to  thepublic  to  be  paid.  No 
wonder  that  jails  are  crowded,  and  taxes  and  poor  rates  increafed. 
Under  fuch  fyffems,  nothing  is  to  be  looked  for  but  what  has  al- 
ready happened;  and  as  to  reformation,  whenever  it  comes,  itmuft 
be  trom  the  nation,  and  not  from  the  government. 

To  fliow  that  the  lum  of  five  hundred  thoufand  pounds  is  more 
than  fufficient  to  defray  all  the  expences  of  government,  exclufive 
of  navies  and  armies,  the  toUowing  eitimate  is  added  for  asy  coun- 
try, of  the  fame  extent  as  England. 

In  the  firft  place,  three  hundred  rcprefcntatives,  fairly  elecled, 
are  fufficient  for  all  the  purpofcs  to  which  legiflation  can  apply,  and 
preferable  to  a  larger  number.  They  may  be  divided  iotO  two  or 
three  houfes,  or  meet  in  one,  as  in  France,  or  in  any  manner  a 
conftitution  fhall  direft.  As  reprefentation  is  always  confidered, 
in  tree  countries,  as  the  moil  honourable  of  all  ftafions,  the  allow- 
ance made  to  it  is  merely  to  defray  the  expence  which  the  rcpre- 
fcntatives incur  by  that  fervice,  and  not  to  it  as  an  ofHce. 
If  an  allowance,  at  the  rate  of  five  hund  ed  pounds 
per  arm.  be  inade  to  every  reprefentative,  deduct- 


(    7°    ) 

ing  tor  non-attendance,  the  expence,  if  the  whole 
number  attended  for  fix  months,  each  year,  would 
be  —  —  —  —  /"75.oo» 

The  official  departments  cannot  reafonably  exceed 
tlie  following  number,  with  the  falaries  annexed : 


Three  offices. 

at/- 

10,000  each 

— 

/'3o>oo<? 

Ten       ditto. 

at 

,5000  each 

— 

30,000 

Twenty  ditto, 

at 

2000  each 

— 

40,000 

Forty     ditto, 

at 

1000  each 

_ 

40,000 

Two  hundred  ditto, 

at 

500  each 

— 

100,000 

Three  hundred  ditto, 

at 

200  each 

— 

6o,coo 

Five  hundred  ditto, 

at 

100  each 

— 

30,000 

Seven  hundred  ditto. 

at 

75  each 

52,300 

^497^500 

If  a  nation  choofe,  it  can  dedu6l  {out  per  cent,  from  all  offices, 
and  mike  one  of  twenty  thoufand  per  annum. 

All  revenue  officers  are  paid  out  of  the  monies  they  colleft,  and 
therefore  are  not  in  this  eftimation. 

The  foregoing  is  not  offered  as  an  exaft  detail  of  offices,  but 
to  ihow  the  number  and  rate  of  falleries  which  five  hundred  thou- 
fand pounds  will  fupport ;  and  it  will  on  experience,  be  found 
imprafticable  to  find  bufmefs  fufficient  to  jullify  even  this  expence. 
As  to  the  manner  in  which  office  bufinefs  is  now  performed,  the 
Chiefs,  in  feveral  offices,  fuch  as  the  poll-office,  and  certain  of- 
fices in  the  exchequer,  &c.  do  little  more  than  fign  their  names 
three  or  four  times  a  year  ;  and  the  whole  duty  is  performed  by 
under  clerks. 

Taking,  therefore,  one  million  and  a  half  as  a  fufficient  peace 
cflabiiffiment  for  all  the  honeft  purpofes  of  government,  which  is 
three  hundred  thoufand  pounds  more  than  the  peace  eftablifhment 
in  the  profligate  and  prodigal  times  ol  Charles  the  Second,  (not- 
withftanding,  as  has  been  already  obferved,  the  pay  and  fallaries 
of  the  army,  navy,  and  revenue  officers,  continue  the  fame  as 
at  that  period,)  there  will  remain  a  fu  plus  of  upwards  of  fix  mil- 
lions out  of  the  prefent  current  expences.  The  queftion  then  will 
be,  how  to  difpofe  ot  this  furplus. 

Whoever  has  obferved  ihe  manner  in  which  trade  and  taxes 
twift  themfelves  together,  muft  be  fenfible  of  the  impoffibility  of 
feparating  them  fudden'y. 

Firft.  Becaufe  the  articles  now  on  hand  are  already  charged 
with  the  duty,  and  tlie  redutlion  cannot  take  place  on  the  prefent 
flock. 

Secondly.  Becauf-^,  on  all  thofe  articles  on  which  the  duty  is 
charged  in  the  grofs,  fuch  zs  per  barrel,  hogfhead,  hundred  weight, 
or  ton,  the  abolition  of  the  duty  does  not  admit. of  being  divided 

down 


(    7«    ) 

down  fo  as  fully  to  relieve  the  confumer,  who  purchafes  by  the 
pint  or  the  poimd.  The  laft  duty  laid  on  ftrong  beer  and  ale,  was 
three  fhillings  per  barrel,  which,  if  taken  off,  would  leffen  the 
purchafeonly  half  a  farthing /?fr  pint,  and,  confequently,  would 
not  reach  to  praftical  relief. 

This  being  the  condition  of  a  great  part  of  the  taxes,  it  will  be 
necellary  to  look  for  fuch  others  as  are  free  from  this  embarrafT- 
ment,  and  where  the  relief  will  be  Aut£i  and  vifible,  and  capable 
of  immediate  operation. 

In  the  firft  place,  then,  the  poor-rates  are  a  direft  tax  which 
every  houle-keeper  feels,  and  who  knows  alfo,  to  a  farthing,  the 
fura  which  he  pays.  The  national  amount  of  the  whole  of  the 
poor-rates  is  not  politively  known,  bur  can  be  procured.  Sir 
John  Sinclair,  in  his  Hiftory  of  the  Revenue,  has  ftated  it  at 
2  2,100,587.  A  confiderable  part  of  which  is  expended  in  liti- 
gations, in  which  the  poor,  inllead  of  being  relieved,  are  torment- 
ed. The  expence,  however,  is  the  lame  to  the  parifb,  from  what- 
ever caufe  it  arifes. 

In  Birmingham,  the  amount  of  the  poor-rates  is  fourteen  thou- 
fand  pounds  a  year.  This,  though  a  large  (urn,  is  moderate,  com- 
pared wirh  the  population.  Birmingham  is  faid  to  contain  leventy 
thoufand  (ouls,  and  on  a  proportion  of  feventy  thourand  to  four- 
teen thoufand  pounds  poor-rates,  the  national  amount  of  poor- 
rates,  taking  the  population  of  England  at  leven  millions,  would 
be  but  one  million  four  hundred  thoufand  pounds.  It  is,  there- 
tore,  moft  probable,  that  the  population  of  Birmingham  is  over- 
rated. Fourteen  thoufand  pounds  is  the  proportion  upon  fifty 
thoufand  fouls,  taking  two  millions  of  poor-rates  as  the  national 
amount.  Be  it,  however,  what  it  may,  it  is  no  other  than  the 
confequence  oi  the  excefTive  burthen  of  taxes;  for,  at  the  time 
when  the  taxes  were  very  iow,  the  poor  were  able  to  maintain 
themfeives;  and  there  were  no  poor  rates.*  In  the  prefent  Itate 
of  things,  a  labouring  man,  with  a  wife  and  two  or  three  children, 
does  not  pay  lefs  than  between  feven  and  eight  pounds  a  3'ear  in 
taxes.  He  is  not  fenfible  of  this,  becaufe  it  is  difguifed  to  him  in 
the  articles  which  he  buys,  and  he  thinks  oniv  of  their  dearnefs : 
but  as  the  taxes  lake  from  him,  at  lead,  a  fourth  part  of  his  yearly 
earnings,  he  is  confequently  difabled  from  providing  for  a  family, 
efpecially  if  himfelf,  or  any  oi  them,  are  affli6fed  with  iiclinefs. 

The  firft  ftep,  therefore^  of  practical  relief,  v/ould  be  to  abolifh 
the  poor-rates  entirely,  and  in  lieu  therecl,  to  make  a  remififion  of 
taxes  to  the  poor  q[  double  the  amount  of  the  prefent  poor-rates, 
viz.  four  millions  annually  out  01  the  furplus  taxes.  By  this 
tneafure,  the  poor  would  be  benefited  iw^o  millions,  and  the  houfe- 

keepers 

*  Poor-ratei  began  about  fl:e  tirae  of  Henrj  the  Eighth,  when  the 
taxci  began  to  increafe,  aa:l  the/  Jiavc  iacreaf^d  as  t!i3  t ixci  incrcifcil 
cycr  fiace. 


(    7^    ) 

keepers  two  miliions.  This  alone  would  be  equal  to  a  reduftlon 
ot  one  hundred  and  twenty  millions  of  the  national  debf,  and  con- 
fcqucntlv  equal  to  the  whole  expence  of  the  American  war.  It 
will  {hen  remain  to  be  confidered,  which  is  the  moil  effcftual 
mode  ui  dilhibuting  tills  remifTion  of  four  millions,  li.  is  eahly 
feen,  ihdi  <he  poor  are  g':;ner^lly  compofcd  of  large  families  of 
childien,  and  old  people  paii  their  labour.  If  thefe  two  clafles 
are  j)rovidcd  foi,  the  remedy  will  fo  far  reach  to  the  lull  exienr  of 
the  cafe,  that  what  remains  will  be  incidental,  and,  in  a  great  mea- 
furc,  fall  within  ihe  compafs  oi  benefit  clubs,  which,  though  of 
humble  inveiiiion,  merit  to  be  ranked  among  the  bed  of  modern 
inflituiions. 

Admitung  England  to  contain  ievcn  millions  ot  fouls;  if  one 
fifih  thereot  are  of  that  clafs  of  poor  which  need  fupporr,  the: 
number  will  be  one  mitiion  four  hundred  thoufand.  Of  this  num- 
ber, one  hundred  and  forty  thoufand  will  be  aged  poor,  as  will 
be  hereafter  (hown,  and  for  which  a  diftintt  provihon  will  be 
propofed.  There  will  then  remain  one  miihon  two  hundred  and 
fixt)  thoufand,  which,  at  five  louis  to  each  family,  amount  to  two 
hundred  and  htty  two  thoufand  families,  rciideied- poor  from  the 
exprnce  of  children  and  the  weight  of  idxes. 

The  number  of  chitdren  under  fourteen  years  of  age,  in  each 
of  thofe  farailes,  will  be  found  to  be  about  live  to  every  two  fami- 
lies; fome  having  two,  and  others  three  ;  fome  one,  and  others 
ioui  ;  fome  none,  and  others  five;  but  it  rarely  happens  that  more 
than  five  are  under  fourteen  years  of  age,  and  after  this  age  ihcy 
are  capable  of  fervice  or  of  being  apprenticed. 

Allowing  five  children  (under  fourteen  years)  to  every  two 
families. 

The  number  of  the  children  will  be  630,000 

The  number  of  parents,  were  they  all  living 
would  be  504,000 

It  is  ccriain  that  if  the  children  are  provided  for,  the  paients 
are  releived  of  coufequencc,  becaufe  it  is  from  the  expence  of 
bringing  up  children  that  their  poverty  arifes. 

Having  thus  afceitained  the  greateft  number  that  can  be  fup- 
pofed  to  need  fupport  on  account  of  young  lamilie.s,  1  proceed 
10  ihe  mode  oi  relief  or  diffiibulion,  which  is,  to  pay  as  a  remifTion 
ot  taxes  to  every  poor  family,  out  of  the  furplus  taxes,  and  in 
room  of  poor-rates,  four  pounds  a  )  ear  for  every  child  under 
fourteen  years  of  age  ;  enjoining  tfie  parents  of  fuch  children  to 
fend  them  to  fchool,  to  learn  reading,  writing,  and  common 
arithmetic;  the  miniffers  of  every  parifh,  of  every  denomination, 
to  ccrcify  jointly  10  an  (jfTice,  for  that  purpoie,  that  this  duty  is 
performed.     The  amount  of  this  expence  will  be, 

for  fix   hundred  and  thirty    thouiand 

childien,  at  four  pounds />^r  fl?^'?.  each,  £.  2,^20,000 

By 


(    73    ) 

By  adopting  this  method,  not  only  the  poverty  of  the  parents 
will  be  relieved,  but  ignorance  will  be  baniftied  from  the  riling 
generation,  and  the  number  of  poor  will  hereafter  become  lels, 
becaufe  their  abilities,  by  the  aid  of  education,  will  be  greater. 
Many  a  youth,  with  good  natural  genius,  who  is  apprenticed  to 
a  mechanical  trade,  fucii  as  a  carpenter,  joiner,  millwright,  (hip- 
wright,  black-fmuh,  &c.  is  prevented  from  getting  forward  the 
whole  of  his  life,  for  want  of  a  little  common  education  when  a  boy. 

I  now  proceed  to  the  cafe  ot  the  aged. 

I  divide  age  into  two  clafTes.  Firll,  the  approach  of  age  begin- 
ning at  filty.     Secondly,  old  age  commencing  at  fixty. 

At  fifty,  though  the  mental  faculties  of  man  are  in  lull  vigour, 
and  his  judgment  better  than  at  any  preceding  date,  the  bodily 
powers  for  laborious  life  are  on  the  decline.  He  cannot  bear  the 
fame  quantity  of  fatigue  as  at  an  earlier  period.  He  begins  to  earn 
lefs,  and  is  lels  capable  of  enduring  wind  and  weather ;  and  in 
thole  more  retired  employments  where  much  fight  is  required,  he 
fails  apace,  and  fees  himfelf,  like  an  old  horfe,  beginning  to  be 
turned  adrift. 

At  fixty  his  labour  ought  to  be  over,  at  leaft  from  direft  necef- 
fity.  It  is  painful  to  fee  old  age  working  itfelf  to  death,  in  what 
are  called  civilized  countries,  for  daily  bread. 

To  iorm  fome  judgment  of  the  number  of  thofe  above  fifty 
years  of  age,  I  have  feveral  times  counted  the  perfons  I  met  in  the 
ftreets  of  London,  men,  women  and  children,  and  have  general- 
ly found  that  the  average  is  about  one  in  fixteen  or  feventeen.  If 
it  be  faid  that  aged  perfons  do  not  come  much  in  the  flreets,  fo 
neither  do  infants ;  and  a  great  proportion  Oi  grown  children  are 
in  fchools,  and  in  work-ihops  as  apprentices.  Taking  then  fixteen 
for  a  devifor,  the  whole  number  of  perfons,  in  England,  of  fifty 
years  and  upwards  of  both  fexes,  rich  and  poor,  will  be  four  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thoufand. 

The  perfons  to  be  provided  for  out  of  this  grofs  number  will  be 
hufbandmen,  common  labourers,  journeymen  of  every  trade  and 
their  wives,  failors,  and  difbanded  foldiers,  worn  out  fervants  of 
both  fexes,  and  poor  widows.  There  will  be  alfo  a  confiderable 
number  of  middling  tradefmen,  who  having  lived  decently  in  the 
former  part  of  life,  begin,  as  age  approaches,  to  lofe  their  bufmefs, 
and  at  lafl  fall  to  decay. 

Befides  thefe,  there  will  be  conftantly  thrown  off  irom  the  re- 
volutions of  that  wheel,  which  no  man  can  flop,  nor  regulate,  a 
number  from  every  clafs  of  life  Gonne£led  with  commerce  and 
adventure. 

To  provide  for  all  thefe  accidents,  and  whatever  elfe  may  befal, 
I  take  the  number  of  perfons,  who  at  one  time  or  other  of  their 
lives,  after  fifty  years  of  age,  may  feel  it  neceiliry  or  comfortable 
to  bs  better  fupporied,  thaa  they  caa  fuppgrt  themfelves,   and 


{     74    ) 

that  not  as  a  matter  of  grace  and  favour,  but  of  right,  at  one  third 
of  the  whole  number,  which  is  one  hundred  and  forty  thoufand, 
aS"  Hated  in  page  72,  and  for  whom  a  diftintl  piovifion  waspropof- 
ed  to  be  made.  It  there  be  more,  fociety,  notwiihdanding  the 
fhovv  and  pompofity  of  government,  is  in  a  deplorable  condition 
in  England. 

Ofilils  one  hundred  and  forty  tlioufand,  I  take  one  half,  (even- 
ly thoufand,  to  beef  the  age  of  fifty  and  under  fixty,  and  the  o- 
ther  halt  to  be  fixty  years  and  upwards. — Having  thus  afcertained 
the  probable  proportion  of  the  number  of  aged  perfons.  I  proceed 
to  the  mode  of  rendering  their  condition  comfortable,  which  is, 

To  pay  to  every  fuch  perfon  of  the  age  of  fifty  years,  and  until 
he  {hail  arrive  at  the  age  of  fixty,  the  fum  cf  fix  pounds  per  ann. 
out  of  the  furplus  taxes;  and  ten  pounds  )f?<fr  ann,  during  life  alter 
the  age  of  fixty.     The  expence  of  which  will  be, 

Seventy  thoufand  perfons       at  £   6  per  ann.         /' 420,000 

Seventy  thoufund  ditto  at        10  per  ann,  700,000 


/  1,120,000 
This  {upport,  as  ah'eauy  remarked,  is  not  ot  the  nature  of  a 
charity,  but  of  a  right.  Every  perfon  in  England,  male  and  fe- 
male, pays  on  an  average  in  taxes,  two  pounds  eight  fliiilings  and 
fixpence  per  ann.  from  the  day  of  his  for  herj  birth ;  and,  if  the 
expence  of  colleftion  be  added,  he  pays  two  pounds  eleven  (hil- 
linc^s  and  fixpence ;  coniequently,  at  the  end  of  fifty  years  he  has 
paid  one  hundred  and  twenty  eight  pounds  fifteen  (hillings ;  and  at 
fixty,  one  hundred  and  fifty-four  pounds  ten  Ihiliings.  Convert- 
ing, therefore,  his  (or  her)  individual  tax  into  a  tontine,  the  mo- 
ney he  fliall  receive  after  fifty  yea-s,  is  but  little  more  than  the  le- 
gal intcreft  of  the  nett  money  he  has  paid ;  the  reft  is  made  up 
from  thofe  v/hofe  circumftances  do  not  require  them  to  draw  fuch 
fupport,  and  the  capital  in  both  cafes  defrays  the  expences  of  go- 
vernment. It  is  on  this  ground  that  I  have  extended  the  probable 
claims  to  one-third  of  the  number  of  aged  perfons  in  the  nation. — 
Is  it  then  better  that  the  lives  of  one  hundred  and  forty  thoufand 
aged  perfons  be  rendered  comfortable,  or  that  a  million  a  year  of 
public  money  be  expended  on  any  one  individual,  and  him  often 
of  the  molt  worthlefs  or  infignificant  charaSler  ?  Let  reafon  and 
juftice,  let  honour  and  humanity,  let  even  hypocrify,  fycophancy 
and  Mr.  Burke,  let  George,  let  Louis,  Leopold,  Frederick,  Ca- 
tharine, Cornv^allis,  or  Tippoo  Saib,  anfwer  the  qucflion.* 

The 

*  Reckoning  ibe  taxes  by  families  five  to  a  f-raily,  C5ch  family  pays 
on  au  average,  12I.  17a.  6d.  per  aon.  to  tbi«  fuiii  are  to  be  aclded  the 
poor-ratei.  Though  all  pay  taxes  in  [he  article*  they  confurae,  al! 
do  noi  pay' poor  rates.     About   two  million*  aie  exempted,  fome  as 

floc  bCJDg  houfC'kccp^rii  othw«  as  not  h^i^z  '^^^^i  *^^  '^*^  P^""^  them- 

£e!vcs. 


(    75    ) 

The  Turn  thus  remitted  to  the  poor  will  be, 
To  two  hundred  and  fifty-two  thoufand  poor 

famihes,  containing  fix  hundred  and  thirty 

thouland  children,  —  —  2,520,000 

To   one    hundred    and    forty    thoufand   aged 

perfons.  —  —  —  1,120,000 

Z' 3,640,000 
There  will  remain  then  three  hundred  and  fixty  th(Mjfand  pounds 
out  ot"  the  four  millions,  pan  of  which  may  be  applied  as  follows : 
After  all  the  above  cafes  are  provided  for,  there  will  {fill  be  a 
number  of  families  who,  thougii  not  properly  of  the  clals  ot 
poor,  yet  find  it  difficult  to  give  education  to  their  children  ;  and 
fuch  children,  under  luch  a  cafe,  would  be  in  a  worfe  condition 
than  if  their  parents  were  a6lually  poor.  A  nation  under  a  well 
regulated  government,  (hould  permit  none  to  remain  uninllru6ted. 
It  is  monarchical  and  ariilocratical  government  only  that  requires 
ignorance  for  its  fupport.  Suppofe  then  four  hundred  thoufand 
children  to  be  In  this  condition,  which  is  a  greater  number  than 
ought  to  be  fiippofed,  after  the  provifions  already  made,  the  me- 
thod will  be, — to  allow  for  each  of  thofe  children  ten  fniilings  a 
year  for  the  expence  of  fchooling,  for  fix  years  each,  which  will 
give  them  fix  months  fchooling  each  year,  and  half  a  crov/n  a  year 
lor  paper  and  fpelling-books.  The  expence  of  this  will  be  an- 
nually* /' 250,000;  there  will  then  remain  one  hundred  and  ten 
thoufand  pounds.  Notwithflanding 

felves,  who  receive  the  relief.  The  average  therefore,  of  poor- 
raics  ou  the  remaining  number,  is  forty  ihi  lings  for  every  family  of 
five  perfons,  which  makes  the  whole  average  amount  of  taxes  aa.l 
ratea,  14I.  17*.  6<L  For  Cx  perfoa*,  17I.  17s.  For  fevea  perfons, 
20I.   i6>.,  6U 

The  average  of  taxes  io  America,  uno'er  the  new  or  reprefentstu'e 
fyftera  of  government,  including  the  inercft  of  the  debt  coatratted 
in  the  war,  and  taking  the  popclation  at  four  millions  of  fouU,  which 
in  now  amounts  to,  and  it  is  daily  iacCufrng,  is  five  (hillings  per 
head,  men,  women,  and  children.  The  difference,  therefore,  be- 
tween the  two  governrasnu,  is  as  under, 

England.  America. 

1.       8.        d.  1.        S.       d. 

For  a  family  of  five  perfons  14     17     (5  i        50 

For  a  family  of  fix  perfons  17      17     o  I      10     o 

For  a  family  of  feveu  perfons  20     16     6         i     15     o 

*  Public  fchools  do  not   anfwer  tk£  general  purpofe  of  the  poor. 

They  are  chiefly  in  corporation  towns,  from  which  ihe  couatCT  towns 

and  villages  are  excluded  ;  or  if  admitred,    tl.c  diftance   nccaSons    a 

great  lofs  of  time.     Edocation,  to  be  ufeful  to  the  pocr,  Ihould  be  oa 

the  fpot  ;  and  the  beft  meihod,  I  believe,    to   accomplifii  this,  is  to 

eaable  the  parents  to  pay  the  expence  themleivea.    There  arc  slwayt' 

fcifoaa 


(    76    ) 

Notwithftanding  the  great  modes  of  relief  which  the  beft  infti- 
tuted  and  beft  principled  government  may  devife,  there  will  Itill 
be  a  number  of  fmaller  cafes,  which  it  is  good  policy  as  well  as 
beneficence  in  a  nation  to  confider. 

Were  twenty  fhillings  to  be  given  to  every  woman  immediately 
on  the  birth  of  a  chi'd,  who  (hould  make  the  demand,  and  none 
will  make  it  whofe  circumftances  do  not  require  it,  it  might   re-  • 
lieve  a  great  deal  of  inftant  diftrefs. 

There  are  about  two  hundred  thoufand  births  yearly  in  En* 
gland ;  and  if  claimed  by  one  fourth, 

The  amount  would  be  £  50,000 

And  twenty  {hillings  to  every  new-married  couple  who  fhould 
claim  in  like  manner.   This  would  not  txceed  the  fum  o\ £10,000 

Alfo  twenty  thoufand  pounds  to  be  appropriated,  to  detray  the 
funeral  exptnces  o\  perfons,  who,  travelling  for  work,  may  die 
at  a  diftance  from  their  triends.  By  relieving  parifties  fiom  this 
charge,  the  fick  fti  anger  will  be  better  treated. 

I  fhall  finilh  this  part  of  the  fubje^l  with  a  plan  adapted  to  the 
particular  condition  of  a  metropolis,  fuch  as  London. 

Cdfes  are  continually  occurring  in  a  metropolis  different  from 
ihofe  which  occur  in  the  country,  and  for  which  a  different,  or 
rather  an  additional  mode  of  reliet  is  neceffary.  In  the  country, 
even  in  large  towns,  people  have  a  knowledge  of  each  other, 
and  diftrefs  never  arifes  to  that  extreme  height  it  fometimes  does 
in  a  metropolis.  There  is  no  fuch  thing  in  the  country  as  perfons, 
in  the  literal  fence  oi  the  word,  ftarved  to  death,  or  dying  with 
cold  from  the  want  of  a  lodging.  Yet  fuch  cafes,  and  others  e- 
qually  miferable,  happen  in  London. 

Many  a  youth  comes  up  to  London  full  of  expeftations,  and 
-with  little  or  no  money,  and  unlefs  he  gets  immediate  employment 
he  is  already  half  undone;  and  boys  bred  up  in  London  without 
any  means  ot  a  livelihood,  and  as  it  often  happens  of  diffolute  pa- 
rents, are  in  a  ftill  worfe  condition  ;  and  fervants  long  out  of  place 
are  not  much  better  off.  In  fhort,  a  world  ot  little  cafes  are  con- 
tinually arifing,  which  bufy  or  affluent  life  knows  not  of,  to  open 
the  fir  ft  door  of  diftrefs.  Hunger  is  not  among  the  pofponeable 
wants,  and  a  day,  even  a  few  hours,  in  fuch  a  condition,  is  often 
the  crifis  of  a  life  of  ruin. 

Thefe  circumftances,  which  are  the  general  caufe  ot   the  little 

thefts 

pcrfoni  of  both  fexe«  to  be  found  ia  cverjr  Tillage,  efperiallf  when 
g;owiuj?  into  ycira,  capable  of  fuch  an  undertaking.  Twenty  chil- 
dren, at  ten  ,'hil  nvs  each,  (and  that  not  more  than  fix  month*  each 
year)  woild  be  as  much  a«  fume  livMign  amount  to  in  the  remote  parts 
of  England  :  and  there  arc  often  diftrcffed  clergymen'*  widow*  to  whom 
luch  an  income  would  be  acceptable.  Whatever  i*  given  on  th'»  ac- 
count to  children  aafwers  two  purpofe*,  to  ihera  it  it  tducatioo,  t« 
thafe  who  educate  them  it  \%  a  livelihood. 


(  n  ) 

thefts  and  pilferings  that  lead  to  greater,  may  be  prevented.  There 
yet  remain  twenty  thoufand  pounds  out  of  the  four  millions  of 
furplus  taxes,  which,  with  another  fund  hereafter  to  be  mention- 
ed, amounting  to  about  twenty  thoufand  pounds  more,  connot 
be  better  applied  than  to  this  purpofe.     The  plan  then  will  be, 

Firft,  to  ereft  two  or  more  buildings,  or  take  fome  arleady  e- 
refted,  capable  of  containing  at  leafl  fix  thoufand  perfons,  and 
to  have  in  each  of  thefe  places  as  many  kinds  of  employment 
as  can  be  contrived,  fo  that  every  perfon  who  (hall  come,  may  find 
iomething  which  he  or  fhe  can  do. 

Secondly,  To  receive  all  who  fhall  come,  without  enquiring 
who  or  what  they  are.  The  only  condition  to  be,  that  for  fo 
much,  or  fo  many  hours  work,  each  perfon  (hall  receive  fo  many 
meals  of  whofefome  food,  and  a  warm  lodging,  pitleaft  as  good  as 
a  barrack.  That  a  certain  portion  ot  what  each  perlon's  work 
(hall  be  worth  fhall  be  referved,  and  given  to  him  or  her,  on  their 
going  away  ;  and  that  each  perfon  fhall  flay  c.s  long,  or  as  fhort 
time,  or  come  as  often  as  he  choofe,  on  thefe  conditions. 

If  each  perfon  flaid  three  months,  it  would  afTift  by  rotation 
twenty-four  thoufand  perfons  annually,  though  the  real  number, 
at  all  times  would  be  but  fix  thoufand.  Bv  elf:iblifhing  an  afylum 
ot  this  kind,  fiich  perfons  to  whom  temporary  diflrelfes  occur, 
would  have  an  opportunity  to  recruit  themfelves,  and  be  enabled 
to  look  out  for  better  employment. 

Allowing  that  their  labour  paid  put  one  half  the  expence  of  fup- 
porting  them,  after  refervmg  a  portion  of  their  earnings  for  them- 
felves, the  fum  ot  forty  thoufand  pounds  additional  would  defray 
all  other  charges  for  even  a  greater  number  than  fix  thoufand. 

The  fund  very  properly  convertible  to  this  purpofe,  in  addition 
to  the  twenty  thoufand  pounds,  remaining  of  the  former  fund,  will 
be  the  produce  of  the  tax  upon  coals,  and  fo  iniquitoufly  and  wan- 
tonly applied  to  the  fupport  of  the  Duke  ot  Richmond.  It  is  hor- 
rid that  any  man,  more  efpecially  at  the  price  coals  now  are,  fhould 
Jive  on  the  diftreffes  of  a  community  :  and  any  government  per- 
mitting fuch  an  abufe,  deferves  tobe  difmifled.  This  fund  is  faid 
to  be  about  twenty  thoufand  pounds  per  annu??i» 

I  fhall  now  conclude  this  plan  with  enumerating  the  feveral  par- 
ticulars, and  then  proceed  to  other  matters. 
The  enumeration  is  as  follows: 
Firft,  Abolition  of  two  millions  poor-rates. 
Secondly,  Provifion  for   two  hundred  and  fifty    two  thoufand 
poor  families. 

Thirdly,  Education  for  one  million  and  thirty  thoufand    chil- 
dren. 

Fourthly,  Comfortable  provifion  for  one    hundred  and  forty 
thoufand  aged  perfons. 

Fifthly,  Donation  of  twenty   fhillings  each,  for  fifty  thoufand 
births.  Sixth  1)-, 


(    78    ) 

Sixthly,  Donation  of  twenty  (hillings  each,  for  twenty  thou- 
fa nd  marriages. 

Seventhly,  Allowance  of  twenty  thoufand  pounds  for  the  fu- 
neral expences  ot  perfons  travelling  for  work,  and  dying  at  a  dif- 
tance  trom  their  Iriends. 

Eighthly,  Employment,  at  all  times,  tor  the  cafual  poor  in  the 
cities  of  London  and   Weftmiafter. 

By  the  operation  of  this  plan,  the  poor-laws,  thofe  inftruinents 
of  civil  torture,  will  be  fuperceded,  and  the  waftrul  expence  of  li- 
tigition  prevented.  The  hearts  of  the  humane  will  not  be  (hock- 
ed by  ragged  and  hungry  children,  and    perfons    of  feventy  and 

eighty  years   of    age   begging  for     bread. The    d)ing   poor 

will  not  be  dragged  from  place  to  place  to  breath  their  laft,  as  a 
reprifal  of  parilli  upon  parilh.  Widows  will  have  a  maintenance 
for  their  childien,  and  not  be  carted  away  on  the  death  of  their 
hulbjnds,  like  culprits  and  criminals;  and  children  will  no  long- 
er be  confidered  as  increafing  the  diftreffes  of  their  parents. — 
The  haunts  of  the  wretched  will  be  known,  becaufe  it  will 
be  to  thtir  advantage,  and  the  number  of  petty  crimes,  the 
offspring  of  diifrefs  and  poverty,  v/ill  be  lefTened.  The  poor  as 
well  as  the  rich,  will  then  be  interefted  in  the  fupport  of  govern- 
ment, and  the  caufe  and  apprchenfion  of  tumult.)  will  ceafe. — ■ 
Ye  who  fit  ineafe,  and  folace  yourfelves  in  plenty,  and  fuch  there 
are  in  Turky  and  Rufna,  as  well  as  in  England,  and  who  fay  to 
yourielves,  *'  Are  we  not  well  off,"  have  ye  thought  of  thefe 
things?  When  ye  do,  ye  will  ceafe  to  fpeak  and  feel  for  your- 
felves alone.  The  plan  is  eaiy  in  praftice.  It  does  not  embar- 
rafs  trade  by  a  fudden  interruption  in  the  order  of  taxes,  but  ef- 
fe£fs  the  relief  by  changing  the  application  of  them;  and  the  mo- 
ney necelTary  for  the  purpofe  can  be  drawn  trom  the  excife  col- 
le6lions,  which  are  made  eight  times  a  year  in  every  market- 
town  in  England. 

Hiving  now  arranged  and  concluded  this  fubjeft,  I  proceed  to 
the  next. 

Taking  the  prefent  current  expences  at  feven  millions  and  an 
lialf,  which  is  the  le^it, amount  they  are  now  at,  there  will  remain 
(after  the  fum  of  one  million  and*  an  half  be  taken  tor  the  new  cur- 
rent expences,  and  tour  millions  for  the  before-mentioned  fervice) 
the  fuin  of  two  millions;   part  of  which  to  be  applied  as  iollous : 

Though  fleets  and  armies,  by  an  alliance  with  France,  will,  in  a 
great  meafure,  become  ufelefs,  yet  the  perfons  who  have  devoted 
themfelves  to  thofe  it  rvicer,  and  have  thereby  unfitted  themfclves 
for  other  lines  of  life,  are  not  to  be  fuffercrs  by  the  means  that 
make  others  happy.  They  are  a  difierent  defcription  of  men  from 
thofe  who  torni  or  hang  about  a  court. 

A  part  ot  the  army  v.'iil  remain  at  lead  for  fome  years,  and  alfo 
of  the  navy,  for  which  a  provifion  is  already  made  in  the  former 

part 


(    79    ) 

part  of  this  plan  of  one  million,  which  is  &lmoIl  half  a  mi'lion 
more  ihan  ihe  peace  eftablifhment  of  the  army  and  navy  in  the  pro- 
digal limes  of  Charles  the  fecond.     Suppofe  then  fiheen  thoufand 
foldiers  to  be  difbanded,  and  to  allow  to  each  of  thofe  men  three 
(hillings  a  week  during  life,  clear  of  all  deduftions,  to  be  paid  in 
the  fame  manner  as  the  Chelfea  College  penfioners  are  paid,  and 
for  them  to  return  to  their  trades  and  their  friends;  and  alfo  to  add 
fifteen  thoufand  fixpences  per  v/eek  to  the  pay  of  the  foldiers  who 
fhall  remain  ;  the  annual  expence  will  be 
To  the  pay  of  fifteen   thoufand 
difbanded    loldiers,    at   three 
(hillings  per  week,         —  £i\-j,ooo 

Additional  pay  to  the  remain- 
ing foldiers,  —  19.50"^ 
Suppofe  that  the  pay  to  the  of- 
ficers of  the  difbanded  corps 
be  of  the  fame  amount  as  the 
fum  allowed  to  the  men,    —         117,000 


2,33,500 
To  prevent  bulky  eflimations, 
admit   the   lame  fum    to   the 
difbanded  navy  as  to  the  army, 
and  the  fame  increafe  of  pay,  253,^06 


Total    /'^ojjCoo 
Every  year  fome  part  of  this  fum  of  half  a  million  (I  omit  the 
odd  (even  thoufand   pounds  for  the  purpofe   of  keeping   the   ac- 
count unembarrailed)  will  lall  in,  and  the  whole  of  it  in  time,  as 
it  is  on  the  ground  of  life  annuities,  except  the  increafed  pay  of 
twemynme  thoufand  pounds.     As  it  falls  in,  a  part  of  the  taxes 
may  be  taken  off";   (or  inftance,  when  thirty  thoufand  pounds  fall 
in,  the  duLV  on  hops  may  be  wholly  taken  off ;  and  as  other  parts 
fa!l  in,  the  duties  on  cand'es  and  foap  may  be  lelTened,  till  at  lad 
they  will  totally  ceafe.     There  now  remains   at   leaff  one  miilioii 
and  an  half  o(  furplus  taxes.     The  tax  on  houfes  and  windows  is 
one  of  thofe  taxes,  which,  like  the  poor-rates,  is  not  confounded 
with  trade ;  and,  when  taken  off,  the  relief  will  be  indantly  telt. 
This  tax  falls  heavy  on  the  middling  clafs  of  people. 
The  amount  of  this  tax  by  the  returns  of  1788,  was, 
Houfes  and  windows  by  the  aft  of  1766,     i  385,458     11     7 
Ditto  ditto       by  the  a6f  of  1779,         130,739     14    ^{ 

Total    /^5 16^199      ^    °i 
If  this  tax  be  (Irack-off,  there  will  then  remain  about  one  mil- 
lion of  furplus  taxes,  and  as   it  is  always   proper   to   keep  a  fnin 
in  referve,  for  incidental  matter?,  it  may  be  bell  n^t  to  extend  re- 

«lu£lioiis 


(    8o    ) 

duftions  further,  in  the  firft  inftance,  but  to  confider  what  may  be 
accompli ihed  by  other  modes  ot  reform. 

Among  ihe  taxes  mofl  heavily  feh  is  '^.he  commutation  tax.  I 
{hrtll,  therefore,  offer  a  plan  for  its  abolition,  by  fubftituting  ano- 
ther m  its  place,  which  will  effect  three  objefts  at  once : 

Firli,  That  of  removing  the  burthen  to  where  it  can  bed  be 
borne. 

Secondly,  Reftoringjuftice  among  families  by  a  diftribution  of 
property. 

Thirdly,  Extirpating  the  overgrown  influence  arifing  from  the 
unnatural  law  of  primogeniture,  and  which  is  one  of  the  principal 
fources  of  corruption  at  eleftions. 
The  amount  of  the  commutation  tax 

by  the  returns  ot  1788,  was  -  -  £77^^57  ^  ® 
When  taxes  are  propofed,  the  country  is  amufed  by  the  plaufible 
language  of  taxing  luxuries.  One  thing  is  called  a  luxury  at  one 
time,  and  fomethmg  elfe  at  another;  but  the  real  luxury  does  not 
confifl  in  the  article,  but  in  the  means  of  procuring  it,  and  this  is 
always  kept  out  ot  fight. 

I  know  not  why  any  plant  or  herb  of  the  field  {hould  be  a  greater 
luxury  in  one  country  than  another,  but  an  overgrown  eitate  in 
either  is  a  luxury  at  all  times,  and  as  luch  is  ihe  proper  objeft  of 
taxation.  It  is,  therefore,  right  to  take  fhofe  kind  tax-making 
genilemen  up  on  their  own  word,  and  argue  on  the  principle 
themfelves  have  laid  down,  that  of  taxing  luxuries.  If  they,  or 
their  ci.ampion  Mr.  Burke,  who,  I  fear,  is  growing  out  of  date 
like  the  man  in  armour,  can  prove  that  an  eflate  ot  twenty,  thirty, 
01  forty  thoufctnd  pounds  a  year  is  not  a  luxury,  I  will  give  up  the 
argument. 

Aamitting  that  any  annual  fum,  fay  for  inffance,  one  thoufand 
pounds,  is  neceffary  or  lufficient  for  the  iupport  of  a  family, 
confequently  the  fecond  thoufand  is  of  the  nature  of  a  luxury,  the 
third  ItiU  more  fo,  and  by  proceeding  on,  we  (hall  at  laft  arrive 
at  a  fum  that  may  not  improperly  be  called  a  prohibitable  luxury. 
It  would  be  impolitic  to  fet  bounds  to  property  acquired  by  in- 
duffry,  and  therefore  it  is  right  to  place  the  prohibition  beyond 
the  probable  acquifition  to  which  induftry  can  extend  ;  but  there 
ought  to  be  a  limit  to  property,  or  the  accumulation  of  it,  by 
bequeft.  It  fliould  pafs  in  fome  other  line.  The  richeft  in  every 
nation  have  poor  relations,  and  thofe  often  very  near  in  confan- 
guinity. 

The  following  table  of  progrefTive  taxation  is  conftrucled  on 
the  above  principles,  and  as  a  fubftitute  for  the  commutation  tax. 
It  will  reacn  the  point  of  prohibition  by  a  regular  operation,  and 
thereby  funercede  the  arillocratical  law  of  primogeniture. 


i  _.  TABLE    I, 


{    8i    ) 

T  A  B  L  E    I. 

*     A  tax  on  all  cftatcs  of  the  clear  yearly  value  of  fifty  pounds, 
after  dedu6ling  the  land  tax,  and  up  s.     d. 

To/"  500  —  —  03  per  pound 

From  500  to  1000  —  —  06  per  pound 

On  the  fecond  thoufand  —  ^9  P^r  pound 

Oa  the  third  ditto  —  —  1     o  per  pound 

Oil  the  fourth  ditto  —         —         t     6  per  pound 

On  the   fifth  ditto  —  -— .•  2     o  per  pound 

On  the  fixth  ditto  —  — .30  per  pound 

On  the  feventh  ditto  —         —  40  per  pound 

On  the  eighth  ditto         —  —        5     o  per  pound 

On  the  ninth  ditto  —  —     60  per  pound 

On  the  ten.h  ditto  —         —  70  per  pound 

On  the  eleventh  ditto  —         —     80  per  pound 

On  the  twelfth  ditto  —         —         90  per  pound 

On  the  thirteenth  ditto  r—  lo     o  per  pound 

On  the  fourteenth  ditto  —  110  per  pound 

On  the  fifteenth  ditto         —  -—       12     o  per  pound 

^n  the  fixteenth  ditto  —  13     o  per  pound 

On  the  feventeenth  ditto  —  14     o  per  pound 

On  the  eighteenth  ditto  —  — *  15  o  per  pound 
On  the  nineteenth  ditto  —  — .  16  o  per  pound 
On  the  twentieth  ditto  r-.     —         170  per  pound 

On  the  twenty-firft  ditto  -^  18     o  per  pound 

On  the  twenty-fecond  ditto         — .  19     o  per  pound 

On  the  twenty-third  ditto  —  -^  20  o  per  pound 
The  foregoing  table  (hows  the  progreflion  per  pound  on  every 

progreffive  thoufand.     The  following  table  (hows  the  amount  of 

the  tax  on  every  thoufand  feparately,  and  in  the  laft  column,  thl^ 

total  amount  of  all  the  feparate  furas  collefted, 

TABLE     IL 

An  eftate  of  £ 50  pir  ann,  at  3d  per  pound,  payi^  £0  12  6 

100  3  J    5  o 

200  3  a  10  o 

300  3  3  15  o 

400  3  ^00 

300  3  750 

After  500I. — the  tax  of  fixpence  per  pound  take$  place  on  the 

fecond  500I. — Confequently,  an  ellate  of  loool,  /?fr  fl«?ia?»,  pays 

51I.  15s.  and  fo  on, 

Total  amount^ 
1.    9.  1.   I. 


For  the  ift     500  at    o     3      pec  pound 


1. 

t. 

d. 

Ift 

500  at 

0 

3 

2d 

500  at 

0 

6 

ad 

looo-  at 

0 

9 

34 

lOQO  at 

I 

0 

7    Si 

4  10  1 


14  10  J  -* 

4th 


(    8"    } 

/. 

s. 

d. 

/. 

J. 

/. 

li 

4th  looo  at 

I 

6  per  pound 

75 

0 

184 

5tb  looo  at 

2 

0 

100 

0 

284 

6th  lOOo  at 

3 

0 

150 

0 

434 

7th  looo  at 

4 

0 

200 

0 

634 

8th  1000  at 

5 

0 

250 

0 

8«o 

9th  1000  at 

6 

0 

300 

0 

1 1 80 

loth  iooo  at 

7 

0 

350 

0 

1530 

nth  1000  at 

8 

0 

400 

0 

1930 

I2th  looo  at 

9 

0 

450 

0 

2380 

13th  IOOO   al 

10 

9 

500 

0 

»88o 

14th  IOOO  at 

11 

0 

550 

0 

3430 

15th  IOOO  at 

12 

0 

600 

0 

4030 

1 6th  IOOO  at 

13 

0 

650 

0 

4680 

ijth  looo-  at 

H 

0 

700 

0 

5380 

1 8th  IOOO  at 

J5 

0 

750 

• 

6130 

19th  IOOO  at 

1(5 

0 

800 

0 

6930 

soth  IOOO  at 

17 

0 

850 

0 

7780 

2ift   1000  at 

18 

0 

9C0 

0 

8680 

ltd   IOOO  at 

19 

0 

950 

0 

9<^30 

23d   io®o  at 

20 

0 

IOOO 

0 

10630 

At  the  twenty-third  thoufand  the  tax  becomes  twenty  {hillings 
in  the  pound,  and  confequently  every  thoufand  beyond  that  fura 
can  produce  no  profit  but  by  dividing  the  eftate.  Yet,  formida- 
ble as  this  tax  appears,  it  will  not,  I  believe,  produce  fo  much  as 
the  commutation  tax;  (houla  it  produce  more  it  ought  to  be  low- 
ered to  that  amount  upon  eftales  under  two  or  three  thoufand  a 
year. 

On  (mall  and  middling  eftates  it  is  lighter  (as  it  is  intended  to  be) 
than  the  commutation  tax.  It  is  not  till  after  feven  or  eight  thou- 
fand a  year  that  it  begins  to  be  heavy.  The  objeft  is  not  lo 
much  the  produce  of  the  tax  as  the  juftice  of  the  meafure.  The 
ariftocracy  has  fcreened  itfelf  too  much,  and  this  ferves  to  reftore 
a  part  of  the  loft  equilibrium. 

As  an  inftance  of  its  fcreenlng  itfelf,  it  is  only  necefTary  to 
look  back  to  the  firft  eftablifhment  of  the  exclfe  laws,  at  what  is  call- 
ed the  Reftoration,  or  the  coming  of  Charles  the  Second.  The 
arlftocratical  intcreft  then  in  power,  commuted  the  feudal  lervi- 
ces,  itfelf  was  under,  by  laying  a  tax  on  beer  brewed  ior  Jaie;  that 
is,  they  compounded  with  Charles  for  an  exemption  from  thofe  fer- 
vices  for  themfelves  and  their  heirs,  by  a  tax  to  be  paid  by  other 
people.  The  ariftocracy  do  not  purchafe  beer  brewed  for  fale, 
but  brew  their  own  beer  free  of  the  duty,  and  if  any  commutation 
at  that  time  were  neceflary,  it  ought  to  have  been  at  the  expence 
of  thofe  for  whom  the  exemptions  from  thofe  fervlces  were  in- 
tended ;  inftead  of  which  it  was  thrown  on  an  entire  different 
clafs  of  men. 

But  the  chief  obje£l  of  this  progreflive  tax  (befides  the  juftice 
of  rendering  taxes  more  equal  than  they  are)  is,  as  already  ftated, 
to  extirpate  the  overgrown  influence  arifing  from  the   unnatural 

lavf 


(    83   ) 

taw  of  primogeniture^  and  which  is  one  of  the  principal  fourcei  of 
corruption  at  eieftions. 

It  would  be  attended  with  no  good  confequences  to  inquire  how 
fuch  vaft  eftates  as  thirty,  forty,  or  fifty  thoufand  a  year  could 
commence,  atid  that  at  a  time  when  commerce  and  manufaftures 
were  not  in  a  ftate  to  admit  of  fuch  acquifitions.  Let  it  be  fuffici- 
ent  to  remedy  the  evil  by  putting  them  in  a  condition  of  delcend- 
iflg  again  to  (he  community,  by  the  quiet  means  of  apportioning 
them  among  all  the  heirs  and  heireffes  of  thofe  families.  This 
will  be  the  more  neceilary,  becaufe  hitherto  the  ariffocracy  have 
quartered  their  younger  children  and  connexions  upon  the  pub- 
lic in  ulelefs  ports,  places,  and  offices,  which  when  abolifhed, 
will  leave  them  deftitute,  unlefs  the  law  of  primogeniture  be  alfo 
abolifhefl  or  fupei  ceded. 

A  progreflive  tax  will,  in  a  great  meafure,  cfFeft  this  objefl,  and 
that  as  a  matter  of  intereft  to  the  parties  moft  immediately  con- 
cerned, as  will  be  feen  by  the  following  table',  which  fhows 
the  nett  produce  upon  every  eftate,  after  fubtrafting  the  tax.  By 
this  it  will  appear,  that  after  an  eftate  exceeds  thirteen  or  four- 
teen thoufand  a  year,  the  remainder  produces  put  little  profit  to 
the  holder,  and  confequently  will  pafs  either  to  the  younger  chil- 
dren, or  to  other  kindred. 

TABLE    IIL 

Showing  the  nett  produce  of  every  eflate  from  one  thoufand  to 
twenty -three  thoufand  pounds  a  year. 


Ko.  of  thoufaadi 

Total  tax 

Nett  produce. 

per  ana. 

fubtraaed. 

£ 

£ 

1000 

21 

979 

2000 

59 

1941 

3000 

109 

2891 

4000 

184 

3816 

5000 

284 

4716 

6000 

434 

5566 

7000 

^34 

^366 

8000 

880 

7120 

9000 

1180 

7820 

10,000 

^530 

8470 

11,000 

1930 

9070 

12,000 

2380 

9620 

13,000 

£880 

1Q,120 

14,000 

3430 

io,57<^ 

15,000 

4030 

10,970 

16,000 

4680 

11,320 

17,000 

5380 

11,620 

18,000 

6130 

11,870 

19,000 

6930 

12,170 

(  84  ) 

16,600  ^']%0  tft,22« 

21,000  8680  12,320 

2sd,oco  9^3^  12,370 

23,000  10,630  12,37c 

^.  -S.     The  odd  {hillings  are  dropped  in  this  table. 

According  to  this  table,  an  cd^te  cannnot  produce  more  than 
£  12,370  dear  of  the  land  tax  and  the  progreftive  tax,  and  there- 
fore the  dividing  fuch  eOates  will  follow  as  a  matter  ot  family  in- 
tereft.     An  cftaie  of  Z' 23,000  a  year,  divided  into  five  cftate*  of 
four  ihoufand  each  and  one  of  three,  will  be  charged  only/"  11^9. 
-which  IS  but  five  ^ifr  cent,  but  if  held  by  oae  pofTeifor,  will  be 
charged  £  10,630.     Although  an  inquiry  into  the  origin  of  thofg 
cftaies  bt  unncceflary,  the  continuation  of  them  in  their  prclent 
flate  is  another  fubjeft.     It  is  a  matter  of  national  concern.     As 
hereditary  eftates,  the  law  has  created  the  evil,  and  it  ought  alfo 
to  provide  the  remedy,     Primooeniture  ought  to  be  abolifhed,  not 
only  becaufe  it  is  unnatural  and  unjufl,  but  becaufe  the  country 
fufFers  by  its  operation.     By  cutting  off  (as  before  obfervcd)  the 
younger  children  irom  their  proper  portion  of  inheritance,  the 
public  is   loaded  with  the  expence  of  maintaining  them,  and  the 
freedom  of  eleftions  violated  by  the  overbearing  influence  which 
this  unjuft  monopoly   of  family  property  produces.     Nor  is  this 
all.     It  occafions  a  wafte  of  national  property.     A  confiderable 
part  of  the  land  of  the  country  is  rendered  unproduftive,  by  the 
great  extent  of  parks  and  chafes  which  this  law  ferves  to  keep  up, 
and  this  at  a  time  when  the  annual  produ£lion  of  grain  is  not  equal 
to  the  national  conluraption.* — In  fhort,  the  evils  ot  the  ariHo- 
cratical  fyftem  are  fo  great  and  numerous,  fo  inconfiflent  with 
every  thing  that  is  juft,  wife,  natural,  and  beneficent,  that  when 
'  they  are  confidered,  there  ought  not  to  be  a  doubt  that  many,  who 
are  now  clafled  under  that  defcription,  will  wifii  to  lee  fuch  a  fy- 
flem  aboli(hed.     What  pleafure  can  they  derive  from   contem- 
plating the  expo  fed  condition,  and  almoft  certain  beggary  of  their 
younger  ofFsprmg?  Every  ariftocratical  family  has  an  appendage 
ot  family  beggars  hanging  round  it,  which  in  a  few  ages,  or  a  few 
generations,  are  fhook  off,  and  confole  themfelves  with  telling 
their  tale  in  alm-houfes,  work-houfes,  and  prifons.     This  is  the 
natural  confequence  of  arifi.ocracy.     The  peer  and  the  beggar  are 
often  of  the  fame  family.     One  extreme  produces  the  other ;  to 
make  one  rich  many  mud  be  made  poor;  neither  can  the  fyftem 
be  fupported  by  other  means.    There  are  two  claffes  of  people  to 
whom  the  laws  of  England  are  particularly  hoftile,  and  thofe  the 
moft  he'plcfs ;  younger  children  and  the  poor.    Of  the  former  I 
have  juft  fpoken;  of  the  latter  I  fhall  mention  one  inftance  out  of 
the  many  that  might  be  produced,  and  with  v.hii^h  1  (hall  clofe 

this 
*  5ce  the  reporti  on  the  corn  trade. 


(    85    ) 

tills  fubje£l.-- Several  l»ws  arc  in  exiflence  lor  regulating  and 

limiting  workmen's  wages.  Why  not  leave  ihem  free  to  make  their 
*  wn  bargain?,  as  tlie  ldw-mal:ers  are  to  let  tlieir  farms  and  hoiircs  ? 
Perfonal  labour  is  all  the  properly  they  liave.  Whv  is  that  little, 
and  the  little  freedom  they  enjoy,  to  be  infringed  ?  But  the  injuf- 
VCQ  will  appear  Wronger,  if  we  confider  the  operation  iind  fffeti 
f.f  fach  laws.  When  wages  are  fi>:ed  by  what  is  called  a  law,  the 
legal  wages  renidin  ftationary,  while  every  thing  elfe  is  in  pro- 
gieiTion  ;  ard  as  thofo  v/ho  laake  that  law,  1H!1  continue  to  lay  on 
new  taxes  by  other  Izm'^,  they  increafc  the  cxpcncc  ot  living  by 
one  lr:w,  and  take  away  the  ireans  by  another.  But  it  thofe  gen- 
t'eiTtrn  law-makers  and  tax-makers  thought  it  right  to  limit  the 
poor  pittance  which  perfonal  labour  can  produce,  aiul  on  which 
9  whole  family  i,;  to  be  fupporled,  they  certainly  rcuft  feel  thera- 
felves  happily  indulged  in  a  limitation  on  their  own  part,  of  not 
jiffs  than  twelve  thouland  a  year,  and  that  of  property  they  never 
acquired,  (nor  probably  any  of  their  anceRors)  and  of  which  they 
liavc  made  fo  ill  a  ufe. 

Having  now  finiflieJ  this  fubjecl,  I  iliVd  bring  the  feveral  par- 
t'rr.lars  into  one  view,  and  then  prooeed  to  ether  matters. 
The  firft  Eight  Articles  are  brought  forward  from  pages  yy 

and  78. 

1.  Abolition  of  two  millions  poor-rates. 

2.  Piovifion  for  two  hundred  and  fifty-two  thoufand  poor  fa- 
milies, at  the  rale  of  four  pounds  per  head  for  each  child  under 
fourteen  years  of  age;  which,  with  the  addition  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  thoufand  pounds,  provides  alfo  education  for  one  million 
and  thiriy  thoufand  children. 

3.  Annuity  of  fix  pounds  (per  ann.)  each,  for  all  poor  perfons, 
decaj'ed  tradefraen,  or  others,  (fuppofe  feventy  thoufand)  of  th.e 
age  of  fifty  years,  and  until  fixty. 

4.  Annuity  of  ten  pounds  each  for  life  for  all  poor  perfons, 
decayed  tradefmen,  and  others,  (fuppofe  feventy  thoufand)  of  the 
age  of  fixty  years. 

5.  Donation  of  twenty  fhillings  each  for  fifty  thoufand  births. 

6.  Donation  of  twenty  fhillings  each  for  twenty  thoufand  mar- 
tiages. 

7.  Allowance  of  twenty  thoufand  pounds  for  the  funeral  cx- 
pences  of  perfons  travelling  for  work,  and  dying  at  a  difiance 
from  their  friends. 

8.  Employment  at  ail  limes  for  the  cafual  poor  in  the  cities  of 
London  and  Weflminfier. 

Second     Enumeration. 

9.  Abolition  of  the  tax  on  houfes  and  windows. 

10.  Allowance  of  three  {hillings  per  week  for  life  to  fi.ftecn 
thoufand  difbanded  foldiers,  and  a  proportionable  allowance  to  the 
officers  of  the  difi^anded  corps.  i  1-  Increafe 


1  (    86   ) 

11.  Incrcafe  of  pay  to  the  remaining  (oldiers  of  19,500/.  m- 
tiually. 

12.  The  fame  allowance  to  the  difbanded  navy,  and  the  fame 
encreafe  of  pay,  as  to  the  army. 

13.  Abolition  of  the  commutation  tax. 

14.  Plan  of  a  progrefTive  tax,  operating  to  extirpate  the  unjuft 
and  unnaiural  law  of  primogeniture,  and  the  vicious  influence  of 
the   ariflrocratical  fyftem.* 

There  yet  remains  as  already  dated,  one  million  of  furplus  taxes. 
Some  part  of  this  will  be  required  for  circumftances  that  do  not 
immediately  prefent  themfelves,  and  fuch  part  as  fhall  not  be  want- 
ed, will  admit  a  turther  reduftion  of  taxes  equal  to  that  amount. 

Among  the  claims  that  juftice  requires  to  be  made,  the  condi- 
tion oi  the  interior  revenue-officers  will  merit  attention.  It  is  « 
reproach  to  any  government  to  wafte  fuch  an  immenfity  of  reve- 
nue in  finecures  and  nominal  and  unneceffary  places  and  offices,  and 
not  allow  even  a  decent  livelihood  to  thofe  on  whom  the  labour 
falls.  The  falary  of  the  inferior  officers  of  the  revenue,  has  flood 
at  the  pcuy  pittance  of  lefs  than  fifty  pounds  a  year,  for  upwards 
of  one  hundred  years.  It  ought  to  be  fevcnry.  About  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thoufand  pounds  applied  to  this  purpofe,  will  put 
all  thofe  falaries  in  a  decent  condition. 

This  was  propofed  to  be  done  almoft  twenty  years  ago  ;  but  the 
Treafury-Board  then  in  being,  ftartled  at  it,  as  it  might  lead  to 
fimilar  expeftations  from  the  army  and  navy ;  and  the  event  was, 

that 

*  When  ioquiriei  are  made  into  the  condition  of  the  poor,  variouf 
degree!  of  diftrefi  will  moft  probably  be  found,  to  render  a  different 
arrangement  preferable  to  that  which  is  already  propofed*  W'dows 
with  families  will  be  in  greater  want  than  where  there  are  hufbands 
living.  There  it  alfo  a  difference  in  the  cxpence  of  living  in  different 
counties ;  and  more  fo  in  fuel. 

Suppofe  then  fifty  thoufand  extraordinary  cafes,  at  the  rate  of  lol. 
per  family  per  annum,  —  —  500,000!. 

100,000  Faiiiiliei,'at  81.  per  family  per  annum  •  800,000 

100.000  Families,  at  7I.  per  family  per  annum  *—  700,000 

104,000  Families,  at  5I.  per  family  per  annum         -  520,000 

And  mftead  of  ten  (hillings  per  head  for  the  edocation 

of  other  children,  to  allow  fifty  (hillings  per  family 

for  that  purpofe  to  fifty  thoufand  families.  250,000 

2,770,000 
140,000  Aged  petfons  as  before,         -  -  1,120,000 

3,890,000!. 
This  arrangement  amounts  to  the  fame  fum  as  flatcd  in  page  75,  in- 
cluding the  250,000!.  for  education  ;    but  it   provides  (including  the 
aged  people)  for  tour  hundred  and  four  thoufand  fajuHics,  which  if 
almoft  eac  third  of  9U  the  families  in  England. 


{  8;  ) 

tbat  the  King,  or  fomebody  for  him,  applied  to  Parliament  to 
have  his  own  falary  raifed  an  hundred  thoufand  a  year,  which  be- 
ing done,  every  thing  elfe  was  iaid  afide. 

With  refpcft  to  another  clafs  of  men,  the  inferior  clergy,  I  for- 
bear to  enlarge  on  their  condition;  but  all  partialities  and  preju- 
dices for,  or  againft,  different  modes  and  forms  of  religion  afit  e, 
common  jufticc  will  determine,  whether  there  ought  to  be  an  in- 
come ot  twenty  or  thirty  pounds  a  year  to  one  man,  and  of  ten 
thoufand  to  another.  I  fpeak  on  this  (ubjeft  with  more  treedom, 
becaufe  I  am  known  not  to  be  a  Prefbyterian ;  and  therefore  the 
cant  cfy  of  court  fycophants,  about  church  and  meeting,  kept  up 
to  amuie  and  bewilder  the  nation,  cannot  be  raifed  agamft  me. 

Ye  fimple  men,  on  both  fides  the  queftion,  do  ye  not  fee 
through  this  courtly  craft  ?  If  ye  can  be  kept  difputing  and 
wrangling  about  church  and  meeting,  ye  juft  anfwer  thepurpofe 
of  every  courtier,  who  lives  the  while  on  the  fpoil  of  the  taxes, 
and  laughs  at  your  credulity.  Every  religion  is  good  that  teaches 
man  to  be  good  ;  and  I  know  of  none  that  inftru6ts  him  to  be  bad. 

All  the  before-mentioned  calculations,  fuppofe  only  fixteen 
millions  and  an  half  of  taxes  paid  into  the  exchequer,  alter  the 
expence  of  colle6tion  and  drawbacks  at  the  cultom-houfe  and  ex- 
cife-officc  are  dedufted ;  whereas  the  fum  paid  into  the  exche- 
quer is  very  nearly,  if  not  quite,  feventeen  millions.  The  taxes 
raifed  in  Scotland  and  Ireland,  are  expended  in  thoie  countries, 
and  therefore  their  favings  wiil  come  out  of  their  own  taxes;  but  if 
any  part  be  paid  into  the  Englifh  exchequer,  it  might  be  remitted. 
This  will  not  make  one  hundred  thoufand  pounds  a  year  dif- 
ference. 

There  now  remains  only  the  national  debt  to  be  confidered. 
In  the  year  1789,  the  intercfl,  cxclufive  of  the  tontine,  was 
9,150,138/.  How  much  the  capital  has  been  reduced  fince  that 
time  the  minifter  heft  knows.  But  after  paying  the  intereft,  abo- 
lilhing  the  tax  on  houfesand  windows,  the  commutation  tax,  and 
the  poor-rates;  and  making  all  the  provifion  for  the  poor,  for  the 
education  of  children,  the  fupport  of  the  aged,  the  difbanded 
part  of  the  army  and  navy,  and  increafing  the  pay  of  the  remain- 
der, there  will  be  a  furplus  of  one  million. 

The  prefent  fcheme  of  paying  off  the  national  debt  appears  to 
me,  fpeaking  as  an  indifferent  perfon,  to  be  an  ill  concerted,  if 
not  a  fallacious  job.  The  burthen  of  the  national  debt  confifti 
not  in  its  being  fo  many  millions,  or  fo  many  hundred  millions, 
but  in  the  quantity  of  taxes  coUefted  every- year  to  pay  the  intereft. 
If  this  quantity  continue  the  fame,  the  burthen  of  the  national 
debt  is  the  fame  to  all  intents  and  pnrpofes,  be  the  capital  more  or 
lefs.  The  only  knowledge  which  the  public  can  have  of  the  re- 
duftion  of  the  debt,  muft  be  through  the  reduftion  of  taxe*  for 
paying  the  intereft.     The  debt,  therefore,, is  not  reduced  one  fai- 

lUin^ 


(    88    ) 

thing  to  the  public  by  all  the  millions  that  have  been  paid ;  »nd  i^ 
would  require  more  money  now  lo  purchaft  rip  the  capital,  thiK? 
^vhen  the  Icheiiie  began. 

DigiefTino-  (or  a  moment  at  this  point,  to  which  I  flialJ  return 
again,  1  look  back  to  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Pitt,  as  minifier. 

I  was  then  in  America.  The  v/ar  was  over ;  snd  though  re- 
fentmenthad  ceafed,  memory  was  flill   alive. 

V/hen  the  news  of  the  coaliiion  arrived,  though  it  was  amaUef 
of  no  concern  to  me  as  a  citizen  oi  America,  I  fs:lt  it  as  a 
man.  Il  had  fomething  in  it  v^'hich  fhockcd,  by  publicly  f^-^ort- 
ing  with  decency,  if  not  with  principle.  It  was  injpudence  in 
Lord  North,  it  was  want  of  firmnefs  in  Mr.  Fox. 

Mr.  Put  was,  at  that  time,  what  may  be  called  a  maiden  cna- 
ra^er  in  politics.  So  Far  from  being  hackneyed,  lie  appaarrd 
not  to  be  initated  into  the  firft  mylleriex  of  court  intrigue.  Every 
thing  was  in  his  favour.  Pv^efeniment  againft  the  coalition  ferved 
as  friendfhip  to  him,  and  his  ignorance  of  vice  v.'as  credited  lor 
virtue.  With  tlic  return  of  peace,  commeice  and  profperity  wouild. 
rife  of  itfelf;  yet  even  this  increafe  was  thrown  to  his  account. 

When  he  came  to  the  helm  the  Itorm  was  over,  and  he  hadiio- 
thing  to  interrupt  his  courfe.  It  required  even  ingenuity  to  be 
wiong,  and  he  fucceedcd.  A  little  time  fliowed  him  the  fame 
fort  of  a  man  as  his  predecelfors  had  been.  Inftead  of  profiting 
by  iho(e  errors  v/hich  had  accumulated  a  burthen  of  taxes  unparreJ- 
Jed  in  the  woild,  he  fought,  I  might  almoft  fay,  he  advcrtifed  for 
enemies,  and  provoked  means  to  encreale  taxation.  Aiming  at 
fomething,  he  knew  not  what,  he  ranfacked  Europe  and  India 
for  adventures  and  abandoning  the  fair  preleniions  he  began  with, 
became  the  knioht-errant  of  modern  times. 

o 

It  is  unpleafant  to  fee  chara6ier  throw  itfelf  away.  It  is  more  fo 
to  fee  one's-felf  deceived.  Mr.  Pitt  had  merited  nothing,  bathe 
promifed  much.  He  gave  fymptoms  of  a  mind  fuperior  to  the 
meannefs  and  corruption  of  courts.jHis  apparent  candour  encou- 
raged expeftations;  and  the  public  confidence,  Sunned,  wearied, 
and  confounded  by  a  chaos  of  parties,  revived  and  attached  itfelf 
to  him.  But  miftaking,  as  he  has  done,  the  difguil  of  the  nation 
againft  the  coalition,  for  merit  in  himfelf,  he  has  rufhed  into  mea- 
fures,  which  a  man  lefs  fupported  would  not  have  prdfurued  to  a£f. 

All  this  feems  to  fhow  that  change  of  minifters  amounts  to  no- 
thing. One  gi:jes  cut,  another  comes  in,  and  flill  the  fame  mea- 
fures,  vices,  and  extravagance  are  purfued.  It  fignifies  net  who  is 
minifter.  The  defe£l  lies  m  the  fyilem.  The  foundation  and  the 
luperftruftuTc  of  the  government  is  bad.  Prop  it  as  you  pleafe,  it 
continually  finks  into  court  government,  and  ever  will. 

I  return,  as  I  promiled,  to  the  fubjeft  of  the  national  debt,  that 
offspring  of  rhe  Dutch-Anglo  revolution,  and  its  h«ndmaiJ  the 
Hanover  fucceflion. 

But 


(    89    ) 

But  now  it  is  k)o  late  to  enquire  how  it  began.  Thofe  to  whofft 
It  is  due  have  advanced  the  money  ;  and  whether  it  was  well  or  ill 
fpent,  or  pocketed,  is  not  their  crime.     Ii  is,  however,  eafy  to  fee, 
that  as  the  nation  proceeds  in  contemplating   the  nature  and  prin- 
ciples ot  government,  and  to  underftand  taxes,  and  make  compari- 
fons  between  thofe  of  America,   France,  and   England,  it  will   be 
next  to  impoflible  to  keep  it  in  the  fame  torpid  ftate  it  has  hither- 
to been.     vSome  reform  muft,  from  the  necefTitv  of  the  cafe,  foon 
begin.     It  is  not  whether  thefe  principles  prefs  with  little  or  much 
force  in  the   piefent  moment.     They  are  out<  they  are  abroad  in 
the  world,  and  no  force  can  ftop  them.     Like  a  fecret  told,   they 
are  beyond  recall;  and  he  muft  be  blind  indeed  that  does   not   fee 
that  a  change  is  already  beginning.     Nine  millions  of  dead   taxes 
is  a  ferious  thing  ;  and  this  not  only  for  bad,  but  in  a   great  ir.ea- 
fure  for  foreign  government.     By  putting   the  power  ol    making 
war  into  the  hands  of  foreigners  who  came   for   what   they  r<uild 
get,  little  elle  was  to  be  expefted  than  what  has  happened.       Rea- 
fons  are  already  advanced  in  this  work  (bowing  tiiat  whatever  the 
reforms  in  the  taxes  may  be,  they  ought  to  be  ntade  in  thecunent 
expences  of  government,  and  not  in  the  part  applied  to  the  inter- 
eft  of  the  national  debt.     By  remitting  the  faxes  of  the  poor,   they 
will  be  totally  relieved,  and  all  difconient  on  thrir  part  wil;   be 
taken  away  ;   and  by  ftriking  off  fuch  of  the  taxesr  as  are  already 
mentioned,  the  nation  will  more  than   recover  the  whole  expencc 
of  the  mad  American  war.         There  wiil  then   remain   only   the 
national  debt  as  a  fubjeft  of  difcontent ;  and  in  order  to  remove,  or 
raiher  to  pievent  this,  it  would  be  good  po'icy  iri    tlie  ftock  hold- 
ers themfelves  to  confider  it  as  property,  fubjeft  like  all  other  pro- 
perly, to  bear  fotne  portion  of  the  taxes.     It  would  give  to  it  both 
popularity  andfecurity,  and  as  a  great  part   of  its  prefent    incon- 
venience is  balanced  by  the  capital  which  it  keeps  alive,    a  mea- 
fure  of  this  kind  would  fo  far  add  to  that  balance  as  to  filence  ob- 
jeftions.     This  may  be  done  by  fuch  gradual  means  as  to  accom- 
plifti  all  that  is  neceffary  with  the  greateft  eafe  and  convenience. 

Inlfead  of  taxing  the  capital,  the  beft  nlethod  would  be  to  tax 
the  intereft  by  lome  progreflTive  ratio;  and  to  leflen  the  publrc  taxes 
in  the  fame  proportion  as  the  intereft  diminifhed,  Suppofe  the  in- 
tereft: v/as  taxed  one  half-penny  in  the  pound  the  firft  year,  a  pen- 
ny more  the  fecond,  and  to  proceed  by  a  certain  ratio  to  be  deter- 
mined upon,  always  lefs  than  any  other  tax  upor:  property.  Such 
a  tax  \Aou!d  be  fubtrafted  from  the  intereft  at  the  time  of  payment;, 
without  any  expence  of  colle6lion,  One  half-penny  in  the  pound 
would  ielTsn  the  intereft  and  confequentiy  the  taxes,  twenty  thou.- 
fand  pounds.  The  tax  on  wagons  amounts  to  this  fum,  and  this 
tax  might  be  taken  off  the  firft  year.  The  fecond  year  the  tax  oa 
female  fervants,  or  fome  other  of  the  like  aiiiount  might  alfo  be 
taken  ofF^  andby  piaceeding  in. this  .maimer,  always  app'yi'^g^^* 

M  W)C 


(  s°  ) 

tax  raiftd  from  the  property  of  the  debt  towards  itsextinftion,  and 
not  carry  it  to  the  current  lervices,  it  would  liberate    itfelf. 

The  ftock-holders,  notwithftanding  this  tax,  would  pay  lefs 
taxes  than  ihey  do  now.  What  they  would  fave  by  the  extinftion 
of  the  poor-rates,  and  the  tax  on  houfes  and  windows,  and  the 
commutation  tax,  would  be  confiderably  greater  than  what  this  tax, 
flow,  but  certain  iiMts  operation,  amounts  to.  It  appears  to  me 
to  be  prudence  to  look,  out  lor  meafures  that  may  apply  under  a- 
ny  circumftance  that  mav  approach.  There  is,  at  this  moment, 
a  crifis  in  the  affairs  of  Europe  that  requires  it.  Preparation  now 
is  wifdom.  If  taxation  be  once  let  loofe,  ir  will  be  difficult  to  re- 
inllaie  it ;  neither  would  the  relief  be  fo  effectual,  as  to  proceed 
by  {orae  certain  and  gradual  reduftion. 

The  fraud,  hypocrify,  and  impofition  of  governments,  are  now 
beginning  to  be  too  well  underftood  to  promife  them  any  long  car- 
reer. The  farce  of  monarchy  and  arillocracy,  in  all  countries, 
is  following  that  of  chivalry,  and  Mr.  Burke  is  dreflrng  for  the 
funeral.  Let  it  then  pafs  quietly  to  the  tomb  of  all  other  follies, 
and  the  mourners  be  comforted.  The  time  is  not  very  diftant 
when  England  will  laugh  at  itfelf  for  fending  to  Holland,  Hano- 
ver, Zill,  or  Brunfwick  fo"  men,  at  the  expence  of  a  million  a 
year,  who  uaderflood  neither  her  laws,  her  language,  nor  her  in- 
tereii,  and  whofe  capacities  would  fcarcely  have  fitted  them  for 
the  oflice  of  a  parilh  conflable.  If  government  could  be  trufted 
to  luch  hands,  it  mud  be  fome  eafy  and  fimple  thing  indeed,  and 
materials  fit  for  all  the  purpofes  may  be  found  in  every  town  and 
village  in  England.  When  it  fhall  be  faid  in  any  country  in  the 
world,  my  poor  are  happy;  neither  ignorance  nor  diffrefs  is  to  be 
found  among  them  ;  my  jails  are  empty  of  prifoners,  my  flreets 
of  beggars;  the  a,ged  are  not  in  want,  the  taxes  are  not  opprefTive  ; 
the  rational  world  is  my  friend,  becaufe  I  am  the  friend  of  its  hap- 
pinefs;  when  ihefe  things  can  be  faid,  then  may  that  country  boafi 
its  conflitution  and  its  government.  Within  the  fpace  of  a  few 
years  we  have  feen  two  revolutions,  thofe  of  America  and  France, 
in  the  former,  the  conteff  was  long,  and  the  conflict  fevere;  in  the 
latter,  the  nation  a£fed  with  fuch  a  confolidaied  impulfe,  that  hav- 
ing no  foreign  enemy  to  contend  with,  the  revolution  was  com- 
plete in  power  the  moment  it  appeared.  From  both  thofe  inflances 
it  is  evident,  that  the  greateft  forces  that  can  be  brought  into  the 
field  of  revolutions,  are  reafon  and  common  intereff.  Where  thefe 
can  have  the  opportunity  of  a6)ing,  oppofuion  dies  with  fear,  or 
crumbles  away  by  conviftian.  It  is  a  great  Handing  which  they 
have  now  univerfally  obtained;  and  we  may  hereafter  hope  to  fee 
revolutions,  or  changes  in  governments,  produced  with  the  lame 
quiet  operation  by  which  any  meafure,  determinable  by  reafon  and 
difculTion,  is  accompliflied.  When  a  nation  changes  its  opinion 
and  habits  of  thinking,  it  is  no  longer  to  be  governed  as  before, 

but 


(   91    ) 

but  it  would  not  only  be  wrong  but  bad  policy,  to  attempt  by  forec 
what  ought  to  be  accomplifhed  by  reafon.  Rebellion  condfts  in 
forcibly  oppofing  the  general  will  of  a  nation,  whether  by  a  par- 
ty or  by  a  government.  There  ought,  therefore,  to  be  in  every 
nation  ^  method  of  occafionally  afceriaining  the  ftate  of  public  opi- 
nion with  refpeft  to  government.  On  this  point  the  old  govern- 
ment of  France  was  fuperior  to  the  prefent  government  ot  En- 
gland, becaufe,  on  extraordinary  occaiions,  lecourfe  could  be  had 
to  what  was  then  called  the  States  Generul.  But  in  England  ihere 
are  no  fuch  occafional  bodies;  and  as  to  thofe  who  are  now  called 
Repreientatives,  a  great  part  of  them  are  mere  machines  ot  the 
court,  place-men   and  dependants. 

I  prefume,  that  though  all  the  people  of  England  pay  taxes,  not 
an  hundredth  part  of  them  are  elettors,  and  the  members  ot  on^  of 
the  houfes  ot  parliament  reprefent  nobody  but  themfelves.  There 
is,  therefore,  no  power  but  the  voluntary  will  of  the  people  that 
has  a  right  to  aft  in  any  matter  refpe6ling  a  general  reform ;  and 
by  the  fame  right  that  two  perfons  can  confer  on  fuch  a  fubje6f,  a 
thoufand  may.  The  objeft,  in  all  fuch  preliminary  proceedings,  is 
to  find  out  what  the  general  fenfe  of  a  nation  is,  and  to  be  governed 
by  it.  If  it  prefer  a  bad  or  defe£live  governmen:  to  a  reform,  or 
choofe  to  pay  ten  times  more  taxes  than  there  is  occafion  for,  it  has 
a  right  fo  to  do;  and  fo  long  as  the  majority  do  not  impofe  con- 
ditions on  the  minority,  different  from  what  they  impofe  on  them- 
felves,  though  there  may  be  much  error,  there  is  no  injuftice. — 
Neither  will  the  error  continue  long,  Reafon  and  difculTion  will 
loon  bring  things  right,  however  wrong  they  may  begin.  By  fuch 
a  procefs  no  tumult  is  to  be  apprehended.  The  poor,  in  all  coun- 
tries, are  naturally  both  peaceable  and  grateful  in  all  reforms  in 
which  their  intereft  and  happinefs  is  included.  It  is  only  by  ncg- 
lefting  and  rejecting  them  that  they  become  tumultuous.  The  ob- 
jefts  that  now  prefs  on  the  public  attention  are,  the  French  revo- 
lution, and  the  profpefl  of  a  general  revolution  in  governments. 
Of  all  nations  in  Europe,  there  is  none  fo  much  intcrefted  in  the 
French  revolution  as  England.  Enemies  for  ages,  and  that  at  a 
vafl  expence,  and  without  any  national  objeft,  the  opportunity 
now  prefents  itfelf  of  amicably  clofing  the  fcene,  and  joining  their 
efforts  to  retorm  the  reft  of  Europe.  By  doing  this,  they  will  not 
only  prevent  the  further  effufion  ot  blood,  and  incrc.^fe  of  taxes, 
but  be  in  a  condition  of  getting  rid  of  a  confiderable  part  of  their 
prefent  burdens,  as  has  been  already  ftated.  Long  experience 
however  has  fhown,  that  reforms  of  this  kind  are  not  thofe  which 
old  governments  wifli  to  promote;  and  theretore  it  is  to  nations, 
and  not  to  luch  governments,  that  thefe  matters  prefent  themfelvcs. 

In  the  preceding  part  ot  this  work,  I  have  fpoken  of  an  alliance 
between  England,  France,  and  America,  for  purpofes  that  were 
to,  be  afterwards  mentioned.     Though  I  have  do  direct:  authorit;^ 


(    9*    ) 

on  .he  part  of  America,  I  have  good  reafon  to  conclude,  that  fliC 
is  diipofed  to  enter  into  a  cofideration  of  fuch  a  meafiire,  provided, 
that  the  governments  with  which  fhe  might  ally,  a61ed  as  national 
goverimenis,  and  not  as  courts  enveloped  in  inttigue  and  myftery. 
That  France  as  a  nation,  and  a  national  government,  would  prefer 
an  lilia  ice  with  England,  is  a  matter  of  certainty.  Nations,  "ike 
individuals,  who  have  long  been  enemies,  without  knowing  each 
other,,  or  knowing  why,  become  the  better  friends  when  ihey  dif- 
iBover  the  errors  and  impofitions  under  which  they  had  afted. 

■  A'lmitting,  therefoie,  the  pr<)bability  of  iuch  a  connexion,  I 
will  llate,  fome  matters  by  which  fuch  an  alliance,  together  with 
that  of  Holland,  might  render  fervice,  not  only  to  the  parties  iiii- 
mt-didteiy  concerned,  but  to  all  Europe. 

Ir  is,  i  think,  certain,  that  it  the  fleets  of  England,  France,  and 
Holland  were  contederared,  they  could  propofe,  with  effect,  a  H- 
mitaiion  to  And  a  general  difmantHng  of  all  the  navies  m  Europe, 
to  a  certain  proportion  to  be  agreed  upon.  -    : 

.  Firll,  That  no  new  (hip  of  war  fliall  be  built  by  any  power  in 
Europe,  themfelves  included.       -    ■  ... 

Secondly,  That  all  the  navies  now  in  exiftence  flial'  be  put  back, 
fuppofe  to  one-tenth  of  their  prefent  fo  ce.  "  This  wiil  fave  to 
France  and  England  at  leaft  two  millions  Ifei  ling  annually  to  each, 
and  their  relative  torce  be  in  the  fame  pioportion  as  it  is  now.  If 
men  will  permit  ihernfelves  to  think,  as  rational  beings  ought  to 
think,  nothing  can' appear  more  ridiculous  and  abfurd,  exclufive  of 
all  morat'rtfle6fions,  than  to  be  at  the  expence  bt  building  navies, 
filling  them  with  men,  and  then  hauing  them  into  the  ocean,  to 
try  Which  Can  fink  each  other  faftell.  Peace,  which  cofts  nothing, 
is  attended  with  infinitely  more  advantage,  than  any  viftory  with 
all  its  expence.'  But  this,  ihotigh  it  beft  anfwers  the  purpole  of 
nations,  does  not  that  of  court  govet-nments,  vyhofe  habiied  policy 
is  pretence  for  taxation,  places,  and  offices.  It  is,  I  think,  alfo 
certain,  that  the  above  confederated  powers,  together  with  that  of 
the;  United  States  of  America,  can  propofe  with  effecl,  to  Spain, 
the  in  lependenceof  South-Ameiica,  and  the  opening  ihofe  coun- 
tries of  immenfe  extend  and  wealth  to  the  general  commerce  of 

the  world,  as  North-A  nerica  now  is.  '     '      -  '  " 

With  how  much  more  glory  and  advantage  to  itfelf,  does  a  nation 
aft,  when  it  exerts  its  powers  to  refcue  the  world  from  bondage, 
and  to  create  itfelt  hie  ids,  than  when  it  employs  thofe  powers  to 
increaieruin,  deiolaion,  and  mifety.  The  horrid  fcene  that  is 
now  aBing  bv  the  Lngliih  government  in  the  Eaft-Indies,  is  fit 
only  to  be  told  ol  Goths  and  Vandals,  who,  deftitute  of  princi- 
ple, robbed  and  tortured  the  world  they  were  incapable  of  en- 
joying. 

Th-e   opening  of  South-America  would   produce   an   immenfe 
field  of  commerce,  and  a  ready   money  market  for  manufafciurcs, 

•which 


(   93    ) 

which  the  eaftern  world  does  not.  The  Eafl  is  already  a  country 
f  uJl  of  manutaftures,  the  importation  of  which  is  not  only  an  in- 
jury to  the  manufaciures  of  England,  but  a  drain  upon  its  fpecie.. 
The  balance  againft  England  by  this  trade,  is  reguidrly  upwards  of 
half  a  million  annually,  lent  out  in  the  Eaft- India  (hips  in  filver; 
and  this  is  the  reafon,  together  with  the  Geiman  intrigue,  and 
German  fubfidies,  there  is  fo  little  filver  in  England. 

Bui  any  war  is  harved  to  fuch  governments,  however  ruinous  it 
may  be  to  a  nation.  It  fervcs  to  keep  up  deceitful  expedation, 
which  prevents  a  people  trom  looking  into  the  dttei-.ts  and  abufes 
of  government.  It  is  the  lo  herd  and  the  lo  there!  that  amufc 
and  cheats  the  multitude. 

Never  did  fo  great  an  opportunity  offer  itfelf  to  England,  and 
to  all  Europe,  as  is  produced  by  the  two  revolutions  ot  America 
and  France.  By  the  former,  freedom  has  a  na  ional  champion 
in  the  Weftern  wo  Id;  and  by  the  latter,  in  Europe.  When  an* 
other  nation  fhall  join  France,  defpotifm  and  bad  government  will 
fcarcely  dare  to  appear.  To  ufe  a  trite  expiefli  n,  ihe  iron  is  be- 
coming hot  all  over  Europe.  The  infuhed  German  and  the 
enflaved  Spaniard,  the  Rufs  and  ihe  Pole,  are  beginning  to  think. 
Theprefent  age  will  heieatter  merit  to  be  cailed  the  Ageof  lea- 
fon,  and  the  prefent  generation  will  appear  to  the  future  as  the 
Adam  of  a  new  world. 

When  all  the  governments  of  Europe  fhall  be  eftablifhed  on  the 
reprefentative  fyllem,  nations  will  become  acquainted  and  the  ani- 
mofities  and  prejudices  fomented  by  the  intrigue  and  artifice  of 
courts,  will  ccdfe.  The  opprelTed  foldier  will  become  a  freeman  ; 
and  the  tortured  failor,  no  longer  dragged  along  the  ftreets  lik^  a 
felon,  will  purfue  his  mercantile  voyage  in  fatety.  It  would  be 
better  that  nations  (hould  continue  the  pay  of  their  loldiers  during 
their  lives,  and  give  them  their  difcharge,  and  reffore  them  to 
freedotn  and  their  friends,  and  ceafe  recruiting,  than  retain  fuch 
multitudes,  at  the  fame  expence,  in  a  condition  ufeiefs  to  focietv 
and  ihemfelves.  As  foldiers  have  hitherto  been  treated  in  moft 
countries,^  they  might  be  faid  to  be  without  a  friend.  Shuned  by 
the  citizen  on  an  apprehenfion  of  being  enemies  to  liberty,  and 
too  often  infulted  by  thole  who  commanded  them,  their  condition 
was  a  double  opprefFion.  But  wheie  genuine  principles  of  liberty 
pervade  a  people,  every  thing  is  reftored  to  order;  and  the  foldier 
civilly  treated  returns  the  civility. 

In  contemplating  revolutions,  it  is  eafy  topercelve,  that  they 
may  arife  from  two  diftinclcaufes  ;  the  one,  to  avoid  or  get  rid  of 
fome  great  calamity;  the  other,  to  obtain  fome  great  and  pofitive 
good  ;  and  the  two  may  be  diftinguifhed  by  the  names  ot  afciive  and 
palTive  revolutions.  In  thofe  which  proceed  from  the  former  caufe, 
the  temper  becomes  incenfedand  loured;  and  the  redrefs  obtained 
by  danger,  is  too  often  fullied  by   revenge.    But  in  thofe  which 

proceed 


(    94    ) 

proceed  from  the  latter,  the  heart  rather  animated  than  agitated^ 
enters  ferenely  upon  the  fubjeft.  Reafon  and  difcuffion,  perfua- 
tion  andconviftion,  become  the  weapons  in  the  conteft,  and  it  is 
only  when  thofe  are  attempted  to  be  fuppreffed,  that  recourfe  is 
had  to  violence.  When  men  unite  in  agreeing  that  a  thing  is  good, 
could  it  be  obtained,  fuch  as  relief  from  a  burthen  oi  taxes  and  the 
extinftion  of  corruption,  the  obje£l  is  more  than  half  accomplifhed. 
What  they  approve  as  the  end,  they  will  promote  in  the  means. 

Will  any  man  fay,  in  the  prefent  excels  of  taxation,  falling  fo 
heavily  on  the  poor,  that  a  remiffion  of  five  pounds  annually  of 
taxes,  to  one  hundred  and  four  ihoufand  poor  farnilies  is  not  digood 
thing?  Will  he  fay,  that  a  remiflion  oi  feven  pounds  annually  to 
one  hundred  ihoufand  other  poor  families — ot  eight  pounds  an- 
nually to  anofher  hundred  thoufand  poor  families,  and  of  ten 
pounds  annually  to  fifty  »hou(and  poor  and  widowed  families,  are 
not  good  things?  And  to  proceed  ?■  (tep  further  in  this  climax,  will 
he  fay,  that  to  provide  againft  the  misforLunes  to  which  all  human 
life  is  fubjpfl,  by  fecuring  fix  pounds  annually  for  all  poor,  dillrefs- 
ed,  and  reduced  perfons  of  the  age  of  fifty  and  until  fixty,  and  of 
ten  pounds  annua'Iy  after  fixty,  is  not  a  good  thing?  Will  he  fay, 
that  an  abolition  of  two  millions  of  poor  rates  to  the  houle-keep- 
crs,  and  of  the  whole  of  the  houfe  and  window-light  tax,  and  of 
the  commutation-tax,  is  not  di  good  thing?  Or  will  he  fay,  that  to 
abolifh  corruption  is  a  bad  thing  ? 

If,  therefore,  the  good  to  be  obtained  be  worthy  of  a  pafTive, 
rational,  and  coftlefs  revolution,  it  would  be  bad  policy  to  prefer 
waiting  for  a  calamity  that  fliould  force  a  violent  one. — I  have  not 
idea,  confidering  the  reforms  which  are  now  paffing  and  fpreading 
throughout  Europe,  that  England  will  permit  herfelf  to  be  the 
laft;  and  where  the  occafion  and  the  opportunity  quietly  offer,  it 
■  is  better  than  to  wait  for  a  turbulent  neceffity.  It  may  be  con- 
fidered  as  an  honour  to  the  animal  faculties  ot  man  to  obtain  redrefs 
bv  courage  and  danger,  but  it  is  far  greater  honour  to  the  rational 
faculties  to  accomplifh  the  fame  objetl  by  reafon,  accommodation, 
and  general  confent.*  As 

*  I  know  it  ii  the  opi#Ion  of  many  of  the  inoft  enlighteoed  cba- 
ra^cra  in  France,  ('here  always  will  be  thofe  who  fee  farther  into 
event*  ihan  others)  not  only  among  the  general  raafi  of  citizen*,  but 
ot  many  of  the  principal  member*  of  the  former  National  AtTerably, 
that  the  monarchical  plan  will  not  continue  many  ycari  in  that  coun- 
try. Thejr  have  found  our,  that  as  wifdom  cAnnot  be  made  hcredit- 
try,  power  ought  not;  and  that,  for  a  man  to  merit  a  million  fterling 
a  year  from  a  nation,  be  ought  to  have  a  mind  capable  cf  compre- 
hending from  an  a'.om  to  a  uuiverfc;  which  if  he  had,  he  would  be 
above  receiving  the  pay.  But  they  wiflied  not  to  appear  lo  lead  the 
nation  fafter  than  its  own  reafon  and  intercft  dilated.  In  all  the  con- 
verfation*  where  I  have  been  prefent  upon  thi»  fubjeft,  the  idea  al- 
•way»  waf,  that  when  fuch  a  time,  from  the  general  opJsion  of  the 

cstion, 


{    95    ) 

As  reforms,  or  revolutions,  call  them  which  you  pieafe,  extend 
ihemfelves  among  nations,  thofe  nations  will  form  connexions  and 
conventions,  and  when  a  few  are  thus  conlederatcd,  theprogiefi 
will  be  rapid,  till  defpotifm  and  corrupt  government  be  tota'ly  ex- 
pelled, at  leaft  out  of  two  quarters  ot  the  world,  Europe  and 
America.  The  Algerine  piracy  may  then  be  commanded  to  ceafe, 
for  it  is  only  by  the  malicious  policy  oi  old  governments,  againlt 
each  other,  that  it  exifts. 

Throughout  this  work,  various  and  numerous  as  the  fubjeCls 
are,  which  I  have  taken  up  and  inveftigated,  there  is  only  a  fmgle 
paragraph  upon  religion,  viz.  "  that  every  rclinon  is  good,  that 
"  teaches  ?nan  to  be  good.'' 

I  have  carefully  avoided  to  enlarge  upon  the  fubje61:,  becaufe  I  am 
inclined  to  believe,  that  what  is  called  the  prefent  minidry  with  to 
fee  contentions  about  religion  kept  up,  to  prevent  the  nation  turn- 
ing its  attention  to  fubjefts  of  government.  It  is,  as  it  they  wero 
to  fay,  "  Look  that  way,  or  any  way,  but  this.'' 

But  as  religion  is  very  improperly  made  a  political  machine,  and 
the  reality  of  it  is  thereby  deftroyed,  I  will  conclude  this  work  with 
ftating  in  what  light  religion  appears  to  me. 

If  we  fuppofe  a  large  family  oi  children,  who,  on  any  particu- 
lar day,  or  particular  circumftance,  made  it  a  cuftom  to  prefent  to 
their  parent  lome  token  of  their  afFe6lion  and  gratitude,  each  of 
them  would  make  a  different  offering,  and  moft  probably  in  a  dif- 
ferent manner.  Some  would  pAy  their  congratulations  in  themes 
of  verfe  or  profe,  by  (ome  little  devices,  as  their  genius  diQated, 
or  according  to  what  they  thought  would  pieafe ;  and,  perhaps, 
the  leaft  of  all,  notable  to  do  any  of  thofe  things,  would  ramble 
into  the  garden,  or  the  field,  and  gather  what  it  thought  the  prel- 
tieft  flower  it  could  find,  though,  perhaps,  it  might  be  but  a  fiiiiple 
weed.  The  parent  would  be  more  gratified  by  fuch  variety,  than 
if  the  whole  of  them  had  aftcd  on  a  concerted  plan,  and  each  had 
made  exaftly  the  fame  offering.  This  would  have  the  cold  appear- 
ance of  .contrivance,  or  the  harfh  one  of  controul.  But  of  all 
unwelcome  things,  nothing  could  more  afflifl  the  parent  than  to 
know,  that  the  whole  of  them  had  afterwai'ds  gotten  together  by 
the  ears,  boys  and  girls,  fighting,  fcratching,  reviling,  and  abufiiig 
each  other  about  which  was  the  beft  or  worft  prefent. 

Why  may  we  not  fuppofe,  that  the  Great  Father  of  all  is  pleafed 
with  variety  of  devotion ;  and  that  the  greateft  offence  we  can  aQ,  is 
that  by  which  we  feek  to  torment  and  render  each  other  miferable. 

For 

nation,  fliall  arrive,  that  the  hooourable  and  liberal  method  would  be, 
to  make  a  handforae  prefent  in  fee  Cmpie  to  the  perfon  whaever  ha 
mar  be,  that  (hall  then  be  iti  the  monarchical  otr^ce,  aud  for  him  to 
retire  to  the  ccjoymcnt  of  private  life,  poflelTing  his  (hare  of  geacra,! 
rights  and  privilege*,  and  to  be  no  more  sccounv.ahlc  to  the  putdic  ioc 
h\%  time  and  his  condufl  than  an;-  other  cit^zcii. 


(    96    ) 

For  my  own  part^  I  am  fully  fatisfied  that  what  I  am  now  doitig, 
with  an  endeavour  to  conciliate  mankind,  to  render  their  condition 
happy,  to  unite  nations  that  have  hitherto  been  enemies,  and  to 
ex  iipate  tlie  horrid  praftice  of  war,  and  break  thechains  ol  flavery 
and  oppi  efTion,  is  acceptable  in  his  fighr,  and  being  the  bell  fervice 
1  can  perfonn,  I  a61  it  cheerfully.  1  do  not  believe  that  any  two 
men  o[i  what  are  called  doarinal  points,  think  a'ike  who  think  at 
all.  It  IS  only  ihofe  who  have  not  thotight,  that  appear  to  agree. 
It  is  in  this  cafe  as  with  what  is  called  the  Britifh  conftitution.  It 
has  been  taken  for  granted  to  be  good,  and  encomiums  have  lup- 
plied  the  place  of  proof.  But  when  ihe  nation  come  to  examine 
into  its  principles  and  the  abufes  it  admits,  it  will  be  found  to  have 
more  deletts  than  I  have  pointed  out  in  this  work  or  the  former. 

As  to  what  are  called  national  religions,  we  may,  with  as  much 
propriety,  talk  of  national  Gods.  It  is  either  political  cr^ft  or  the 
remains  ot  the  Pjgan  fyllem,  when  every  nation  had  its  fej  arate 
and  particular  deity.  Among  all  the  writers  of  the  Eni^lilh  church 
clergy,  who  have  treated  on  the  general  fubjeft  of  religion,  the 
preleot  Bilhop  of  LandafF  has  not  been  excelled,  and  it  is  with 
much  pleaiuie  that  I  take  the  opportunity  of  exprefling  this  token 
of  refpetl. 

I  have  now  gone  through  the  whole  of  the  fubjeft,  at  leaft,  as 
fAF  as  it  appear  to  me  at  prefenf.  It  has  been  my  intention  tor  the 
five  years  I  have  been  in  Europe,  to  offer  an  addrefs  to  the  people 
ot  England  on  ihe  fubje^f  of  government,  if  the  opportunity  pic- 
fented  itfelt  before  I  re  urned  to  America.  Mr.  Burke  has  thrown 
it  in  my  way,  and  1  thank  him.  On  a  certain  occafion,  three  years 
ago,  1  preffed  him  topropofe  a  national  convention  to  be  lairly 
eletfed  ior  'he  purpofe  of  taking  the  Hate  of  the  nation  in;o  con- 
fideration  ;  but  1  found,  that  however  ilrongly  the  parliameniary 
current  was  then  fetting  againft  the  party  he  then  aded  wi'b,  their 
policy  was  to  keep  every  thing  within  that  field  of  corruption,  and 
truft  to  accidents.  Long  experience  had  fhown,  that  parliaments 
would  follow  any  changc^  of  minifters,  and  on  this  they  refted 
their  hopes  and  their  expe6tations.  Formerly,  when  divifions  arofe 
refpefting  governments,  recourfe  was  had  to  the  fword,  and  a  ci- 
vil v/ar  enlued.  That  favage  cuftom  is  exploded  by  the  n«^w  fyf- 
tem,  and  reference  is  had  to  national  conventions.  Diicuflion; 
and  the  general  will  arbitrates  the  quellion,  and  to  this,  private 
opinion  yields  with  a  good  grace,  and  order  is  preferved  uninter- 
rupted. Some  gentlemen  have  affeBed  to  call  the  principles  upon 
which  this  work  and  the  former  part  of  Rights  of  Man  are 
founded,  *'  a  new-fangled  doBrine."  The  quellion  is  not  whether 
thofe  principles  are  new  or  old,  but  whether  they  are  right  or 
wrong.  Suppofe  the  former,  I  will  fhow  their  effeB  by  a  figure 
eafily  underllood.  It  is  now  towards  the  middle  of  February.—- 
Were  I  to  take  a  turn  into  the  country,  the  trqes  would  prefcni  a  leaf- 

Ms, 


(    97    } 

lefs,  winterly  appearance.  As  people  are  apt  to  pluck  twigs  as  the)? 
walk  along,  I,  perhaps  might  do  the  fame,  and  by  chance  might 
oblerve,  thata/«^/d  bud  on  that  twig  had  began  to  fwell.  1 
ihould  reafon  very  unnaturally,  or  rather  not  reafon  at  all,  to 
fuppofe  this  was  the  only  bud  in  England  which  had  this  appear- 
ance. Inftead  of  deciding  thus,  1  fhould  inftantly  conclude,  that 
the  lame  appearance  was  beginning,  or  about  to  begin  every  where  : 
And  though  the  Vegetable  Sleep  will  continue  longer  on  fome  trees 
and  plants  than  on  others,  and  though  fome  of  them  may  not  bloj- 
fom  for  two  or  three  years,  all  will  be  in  leaf  in  the  fummer,  ex- 
cept thofe  which  are  rotttn.  What  pace  the  political  fummer  may 
keep  with  the  natural,  no  human  forefight  call  determine.  It  is, 
however,  not  difficult  to  perceive,  that  the  fpring  is  begun. — Thu» 
wifliing,  as  I  fmcerely  do,  freedom  and  happincfs  to  ail  naiions, 
I  clofe  the  Second  Part, 

APPENDIX. 

AS  the  publication  of  this  work  has  been  delayed   beyond  th<^ 
time  intended,  1  thmk  it   not  improper,    all    circumilances 
confidered,  to  ffate  the  caufes  that  have  occafioned  the  delay. 

The  reader  will  probably  obferve,  that  fome  pans  of  the  plan 
contained  in  this  work  for  reducing  the  taxes,  and  certain  pans  in 
Mr.  Pitt's  fpeech  at  the  opening  of  the  prefent  feffion,  Tuefday, 
January  31,  are  fo  much  alike,  as  to  induce  a  belief,  that  either 
the  Author  had  taken  the  hint  from  Mr.  Pitt,  or  Mr.  Pitt  from  the 
Author. — I  will  firft  point  out  the  parts  that  arc  fimilar,  and  then 
ftate  fuch  circumfiances  as  I  am  acquainted  wilb,  leaving  the  read- 
er to  make  his  own  conclufion. 

Confidering  it  almoft  an  unprecedented  cafe,  that  taxes  (houla 
be  propofcd  to  be  taken  off,  it  is  equally  as  extraordinary  that 
fuch  a  meaftfre  fhould  occur  to  two  perfons  at  the  fame  time ;  and 
ftill  more  fo,  (confidering  the  vaft  variety  and  multipiicy  of  taxes) 
that  they  fhould  hit  en  the  fame  fpecific  taxes.  Mr.  Pitt  has  menti- 
oned in  his  fpeech,  the  tax  on  Carts  and  Wagons — that  on  Female 
Servants — the  lowering  the  tax  on  Candles — and  the  taking  off  the 
tax  of  three  fhilHngs  on  Houfes  having  under  feven  windows. 

Every  one  of  thole  fpecific  taxes  are  a  part  of  the  plan  contain- 
ed in  this  work,  and  propofed  alfo  to  be  taken  off.  Mr.  Pitt's  plan 
it  is  true,  goes  no  further  than  to  a  reduftion  of  three  hundred 
and  twenty  thoufand  pounds;  and  the  redu£lion  propofed  in  this 
work  to  nearly  fix  millions.  I  have  made  my  calcula'.ions  on  on- 
ly fixteen  millions  and  an  half  of  revenue,  IHll  afTerting,  that  ic 
■was  "  very  nearly,  if  not  quite,  feventeen  millions."  Mr.  Pitt 
ftates  it  at  16,690,000.  I  know  enough  of  the  matter  to  fay,  that 
he  has  not  over   flared  it.      Having  thus  given  the   particular.% 

N  which 


(   98   ) 

wbicb  correfpond  in  this  work  and  his  fpeccb,  I  will  ftate  a  chain 
of  circumftances  that  may  lead  to  Tome  explanation. 

The  firft  hint  for  IclFening  the  taxes,  and  that  as  a  confequence 
flowinjT  from  the  French  revolution,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Ad- 
DREss  and  Declaration  of  the  Gentlemen  who  met  at  the 
Thatched- Houfe-Tavern,  Auguft  20  1791.  Among  many  other 
particulars  ftated  in  that  Addrefs,  is  the  following,  put  as  an  inter- 
rogation to  the  government. oppofers  of  the  French  revolution* 
"  Are  they  for  ry  that  the  pretence  for  mw  opprejjive  taxes,  and  the 
**  occajion  for  continuing  many  old  taxes,  will  be  at  an  end  ?" 

It  is  well  known,  that  the  perfons  who  chiefly  frequent  the 
Thiitched  Houfe-Tavern,  are  men  of  court  connexions,  and  io 
much  did  they  take  this  Addrefs  and  Declaration  refpefting  the 
French  revolution  and  the  reduction  of  taxes  in  dilguft,  that  the 
Landlord  was  under  the  neceflity  of  informing  the  Gentlemen, 
who  compofed  the  meeting  of  the  20th  of  Auguft,  and  who  pro- 
pofed  holding  another  meeting,  that  he  could  not  receive  them.* 

What  was  only  hinted  at  in  the  Addrefs  and  Declaration,  re- 
fpefting  taxes  and  principles  of  government,  will  be  found  re- 
duced to  a  regular  iyftem  in  this  work.  But  as  Mr.  Pitt's  fpeech 
contains  lome  of  the  fame  things  refpefting  taxes,  I  now  come  to 
give  the  circumftances  before  alluded  to. 

The  cafe  is  :  This  work  was  intended  to  be  publiflied  juft  before 
the  meeting  of  Parliament,  and  for  that  purpofe  a  confiderable 
part  of  the  copy  v/as  put  into  the  Printer's  hands  in  September,  and 
all  the  remaining  copy,  as  far  as  page  110,  which  contains  the 
parts  to  which  Mr.  Pitt's  fpeech  is  fimilar,  was  given  to  him  full 
fix  weeks  before  the  meeting  of  Parliament,  and  he  was  informed- 
of  the  time  at  which  it  was  to  appear.  He  had  compofed  nearly 
.the  whole  about  a  fortnight  before  the  time  of  Parliament  meeting, 

and 

*  The  Gentleman  who  figned  the  Addreft  and  Declaration,  a« 
Ghairman  of  the  meeting,  Mr.  Home  Took,  being  generally  fuppo(- 
ed  to  be  the  perfon  who  drew  it  up,  and  having  fpoken  much  in  com- 
mendation of  it,  has  been  jocularlj- accufed  of  prail;ng  bis  own  work. 
To  free  him  from  thia  embarraffment,  and  to  favc  him  the  rcpcajcd 
trouble  of  mentioning  the  author,  at  heh.^«not  failed  to  do,  I  make 
no  hefitation  in  fajing,  that  as  the  opportunity  of  benefiting  hj  the 
French  revolution  eafily  occurred  to  me,  I  drew  up  the  publication 
in  queftion,  and  (ho  wed  it  to  him  and  forae  other  gentlemen  ;  who,  ful- 
ly approving  it,  held  a  meeting  for  the  purpofe  of  making  it  public,  and 
fubfcribed  to  the  amount  of  fifty  guineas,  to  defray  the  expencc  of 
adveriifing.  I  believe  there  are  at  this  time,  in  England,  3  greater 
number  of  men  ading  on  difinterefted  principiei,  and  determined  to 
look  into  the  nature  and  praflicei  of  government  themfelvea,  and.  not 
blindly  truft,  as  haa  hitherto  been  the  cafe,  cither  to  government  ge- 
nerally, or  to  patliamenti,  or  to  parliamentary  oppofiion,  than  at 
any  former  period.  Had  thii  been  done  a  century  ago,  coriupfio« 
aad  laxitioQ  haciact  arrived  to  the  height  they  arc  aovr  at. 


{    99    ) 

and  bad  printed  as  far  as  page  79,  and  had  given  me  a  proof  ot 
the  next  flieet,  up  to  page  90.  It  was  then  in  fufficieni  forward- 
nefs  to  be  out  at  the  time  propofed,  as  two  other  ftieets  were  ready 
for  ftriking  off.  1  had  before  told  him,  that  if  he  thought  he 
ftiould  be  llraightened  for  time,  I  would  get  part  of  the  work 
done  at  another  prcfs,  which  he  defired  me  not  to  do.  In  this 
manner  the  work  ifood  on  the  Tuefday  fortnight  preceding  the 
meeting  of  Parliament,  when  all  at  once,  without  any  previous 
intimation,  though  I  had  been  with  him  the  evening  befoie,  hti 
fent  me,  by  one  of  his  workmen,  all  the  remaining  copy,  trom 
page  79,  declining  to  go  on  with  the  work  on  any  confideration. 

To  account  for  this  extraordinary  condu61  I  was  totally  at  a 
lofs,  as  he  flopped  at  the  part  where  the  arguments  on  fyftems  and 
principles  of  government  clofed,  and  where  the  plan  /or  the  re- 
duftion  of  taxes,  the  education  of  children,  and  the  fupport  of 
the  poor  and  the  aged  begins  ;  and  ilill  more  efpecially,  as  he  had, 
at  the  time  of  his  beginning  to  print,  ^nd  before  he  had  feen  the 
whole  copy,  offered  a  thoufand  pounds  tor  the  copy-right,  toge- 
ther with  the  copy-right  of  the  former  part  of  the  Rights  of  Man. 
I  told  the  perfon  who  brought  me  this  offer,  that  I  fhould  not  ac- 
cept it,  and  wiflied  it  not  to  be  renewed,  giving  him  as  my  reafon, 
that,  though  I  believed  the  Printer  to  bean  honeft  man,  I  would 
never  put  in  the  power  of  any  Printer  or  Publifher  to  fupprefs  or 
alter  a  work  of  mine,  by  making  him  mailer  of  the  copy,  or  give 
to  him  the  right  of  felling  it  to  any  minilter,  or  to  any  other  per- 
fon, or  to  treat  as  a  mere  matter  of  traffic,  that  which  I  intended 
fhould  operate  as  a  principle. 

His  retufal  to  complete  the  work,  (which  he  could  notpurchafe) 
obliged  me  to  leek  for  another  Printer,  and  this  of  confequence 
would  throw  the  publication  back  till  after  the  meeting  of  Parli- 
ament, otherwife  it  would  have  appeared  that  Mr.  Pitt  had  only 
taken  up  a  part  of  the  plan  which  i  had  more  fully  flated. 

Whether  that  gentleman,  or  any  other,  had  ken  the  work,  or 
any  part  of  it,  is  more  than  I  have  authority  to  fay.  But  the  man- 
ner m  which  the  work  was  returned,  and  the  particular  time  at 
which  this  was  done,  and  that  after  the  offers  he  had  made,  are 
fufpicious  circumflances.  I  know  what  the  opinion  of  Bookfel- 
lers  and  Publilhers  is  upon  fuch  a  cafe,  but  as  to  my  own  opinion, 
I  choofe  to  make  no  declaration.  There  are  many  ways  by  which 
proof  fheets  may  be  procured  by  other  perfons  before  a  work 
publicly  appear ;  to  which  I  ihall  add  a  certain  circumllance, 
which  is, 

A  minilleiial  Bookfeller  in  Piccadilly,  who  has  been  employed, 
as  common  report  fays,  by  a  Clerk  of  one  of  the  Boards  dole 
conne6led  with  the  Miniflry,  (the  Board  of  Trade  and  l^lantation, 
of  which  Hawklbury  is  Prcfident)  to  publifh  what  he  calls  my 
Lifr,  (I  wifh  his  own  life,  and  that  thofe  of   the  Caqiuet  were   as 

goodj 


(   1^0   ) 

good)  ufed  to  have  his  books  printed  at  the  fame  Printing-Office 
that  I  employed ;  but  when  the  former  part  ot  Rights  of  Man 
came  our,  he  took  his  work  away  in  dudgeon  ;  and  about  a  week 
or  ten  da^  s  before  the  Printer  returned  my  copy,  he  came  to  make 
him  an  ofxer  of  his  work  again,  which  was  accepted.  This  would 
confequently  give  him  admilTion  into  the  Printing-Office  where 
the  fhceis  ot  this  work  were  then  lying  ;  and  as  Bookfellers  and 
Printers  are  free  with  each  other,  he  would  have  the  opportunity 
of  feeing  what  was  going  on.— Be  the  cafe  however  as  it  may, 
Mr.  Pitt's  plan,  littie  and  diminutive  as  it  is,  would  have  had  a 
very  awkward  appearance,  had  this  work  appeared  at  the  time  the 
Printer  had  engaged  to  finifh  it. 

1  have  now  ftated  the  particulars  which  occafioned  the  delay,- 
Irom  thj»propofal  to  purchafe,  to  the  refufal  to  print.  If  all  the 
gentlemen  are  innocent,  it  is  very  unfortunate  tor  them  that  fuch 
a  variety  of  fufpicious  circumflances  (hould,  without  any  defign, 
arrange  themfelves  together. 

Having  now  finifned  this  part,  I  will  conclude  with  ftating 
another  circuinftance. 

About  a  fortnight  or  three  weeks  before  the  meeting  of  Par- 
liament, a  fmall  addition,  amounting  to  about  twelve  fhillingji 
and  fix  pence  a  year,  was  made  to  the  pay  of  the  foldiers,  or  ra- 
ther, their  pay  was  docked  fo  much  lefs.  Some  gentlemen  who 
knew,  in  part,  that  this  work  would  contain  a  plan  of  reforms  re- 
fpefting  the  oppreffed  condition  of  foldiers,  wifhed  me  to  add  a 
note  to  the  work,  fignifying,  that  the  part  upon  that  fubjed  had 
been  in  the  Printer's  hands  fome  weeks  before  that  addition  of  pay 
was  propofed.  1  declined  doing  this,  left  it  fhould  be  interpreted 
into  an  air  of  vanity,  or  an  endeavour  to  excite  fufpicion,  (for 
-which,  perhaps,  there  might  be  no  grounds)  that  iorae  of  the 
government  gentlemen,  had,  by  fome  means  or  other,  made  cut 
what  this  wo:k  would  contain  :  and  had  not  the  printing  been  in- 
terrupted  fo  as  to  occafion  a  delay  beyond  the  time  fixed  for  pub- 
lication, nothing  contained  in  this  Appendix  would  have  appeared. 

T  H  O  M  A  S    P  A  I  N  K, 


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